Relations Cool
Agreement On Gas
Changing The Narrative In Schools
Warming Ties
Tourism
Military Cooperation
Expanding Trade
Obstacles Remain
Renewed Tensions
Egypt Recalibrating Peace

Israel and Egypt signed a peace treaty in 1979, marking the end of 30 years of relentless hostility and five costly wars. The treaty was preceded by Egyptian President Anwar al-Sadat’s visit to Jerusalem (1977), at the invitation of Israel’s Prime Minister Menachem Begin, as well as the signing of the Camp David Accords (1978), which constituted a basis for peace between Egypt and Israel and between Israel and its other neighbors. The accords also addressed the need to solve the Palestinian issue, following a five-year interim phase of autonomy for the Palestinian Arab residents of Judea and Samaria (the West Bank) and the Gaza Strip. Sadat and Begin were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their achievement.

The peace implemented between Israel and Egypt consists of several major elements, including the termination of the state of war as well as acts or threats of belligerency, hostility, or violence; the establishment of diplomatic, economic, and cultural ties; the removal of barriers to trade and freedom of movement; and withdrawal by Israel from the Sinai peninsula, with agreed security arrangements and limited force zones. Israel completed its withdrawal from the Sinai (1982) according to the terms of the treaty, giving up strategic military bases and other assets in exchange for peace.

Although Egypt was ostracized by other Arab states following the signing of the treaty, most have since reestablished relations with Egypt and reopened their embassies in Cairo. The Arab League headquarters, which had been relocated to Tunis, was returned to Cairo in the early 1980s.

Having to overcome 30 years of distrust and hostility, the normalization of relations between Israel and Egypt is a long and arduous process. Yet embassies and consulates have been established by both countries, and meetings between government ministers and high-ranking officials are held regularly.

In 2004, Egypt and Israel signed a Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) Agreement under which jointly produced goods enter the U.S. market duty-free under the U.S.-Israel Free Trade Agreement. As a result of the QIZ, Israeli exports to Egypt grew 110% in 2005.

Relations Cool

Following the outbreak of Palestinian violence (September 2000), relations cooled considerably, and Egypt recalled its ambassador, who later returned. Even during the tense period, cooperation in agriculture continued, and the joint military committee met regularly. As the Palestinian War wound down in 2005, Egypt’s trade with Israel picked up and was expected to rise 130% as a result of a U.S.-brokered agreement that created an estimated 15,000 Egyptian jobs. Egyptian-Israeli trade will rise from $58 million in 2004 to a projected $134 million in 2005. The volume is small—Egypt’s global exports are worth about $12 billion annually, Israel’s about $30 billion—but the growth in trade is a positive development in the relationship. Still, Israeli investment in Egypt remains stagnant, largely because of lingering distrust and political sentiment.

In 2005, Israel signed an agreement to buy 1.7 billion cubic feet of Egyptian natural gas for an estimated $2.5 billion over 15 years, fulfilling a commitment made in an addendum to the peace treaty.

Egypt nullified the treaty in 2012, citing Israel's failure to fulfill its obligations under the agreement.

Agreement On Gas

The owners of the Israeli Tamar offshore gas field announced on October 20, 2014, that they had reached an agreement with Egypt’s Dolphinus Holdings to sell Egypt up to 2.5 billion cubic meters of gas over the following 7-year period. This fuel will be transported to Egypt via the same East Mediterranean Gas pipeline that has been used to supply Israel with oil from Egypt in the past. The deal is said to be worth around U.S. $4 billion (3.13 billion Euros). Noble Energy, a gigantic natural gas conglomerate based in the United States, owns 36% of the Tamar oil field. Israeli gas exports are expected to bring in $60 billion in revenue over the next 20 years. This is the largest-ever trade deal signed between Egypt and Israel.

Egypt appointed Hazem Khairat as Ambassador to Israel in June 2015, following the recall of its last Ambassador in 2012 in protest against Operation Pillar of Defense. Khairat is the former Egyptian ambassador to Chile and was welcomed to Israel as Prime Minister Netanyahu’s guest at his weekly cabinet meeting on January 3, 2016. Khairat presented his Diplomatic credentials to Israeli President Reuven Rivlin in Jerusalem on February 24, 2016, officially confirming him as Cairo’s first ambassador to Israel since 2012.

The Israeli embassy in Egypt was reopened on September 9, 2015, after a closure due to security concerns during the Egyptian revolution that began in January 2011. On September 9, 2011, angry and violent protestors descended upon the Israeli embassy in Egypt, forcing the Diplomats and other officials inside to evacuate immediately. The embassy remained vacant for four years. Director-General of Israel’s Foreign Ministry, Dore Gold, stated at the re-opening ceremony on September 9, 2015, that, “Egypt will always be the biggest and most important state in the region. This event taking place in Cairo is also the beginning of something new.”

Israeli Energy Minister Yuval Steinitz met with Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry on March 31, 2016, while both were in Washington, D.C., for a high-level nuclear security summit. This was the highest-ranking meeting of Israeli and Egyptian officials since the 2011 Egyptian uprising. Steinitz’s office issued a statement following the meeting, noting that the two officials discussed various regional issues, including cooperation on natural gas and counterterrorism.

Changing The Narrative In Schools

Even after signing the peace agreement with Israel, Egypt’s education system continued to deny Israel’s legitimacy, referring to Israel as “Occupied Palestine,” rejecting any Jewish connection to the Land of Israel, and portraying it as a tool of Western imperialism. Cairo wanted to show that, despite the peace treaty, the attitude towards Israel hasn’t changed, and that the hearts of the Egyptians were still with the Palestinians. That’s why Israel has been mentioned in school textbooks as the bitter enemy of Egypt,” according to Amr Zakariya, a Cairo-based expert specializing in Israel-Egypt relations. He said books focused a great deal on the Israeli-Arab conflict and the Palestinian issue, whereas “Sadat’s peace initiative was sidelined and marginalized.”

Zakariya said the consequence was that “Schools have created a generation of people who don’t know or don’t want to acknowledge what Israel is. All they know is that Israel is an occupying force because that’s what their teachers told them.”

President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi began to introduce a different narrative emphasizing “that Egypt and Israel shared a common enemy – the threat of terror and acknowledging that breeding hatred would not solve the Palestinian problem,” Zakariya explained. This was made possible, in part, he added, because of improved relations between Israel and the Gulf states.

The al-Sisi government-approved textbook, The Geography of the Arab World and the History of Modern Egypt, was introduced to Egyptian classrooms in May 2016 and features a more inclusive and friendly tone toward Israel. The Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv reviewed the updated textbook and found more explicit support for peace with Israel, including a greater emphasis on the economic advantages of peace than in the textbook’s predecessor. While the previous Egyptian standard history textbook (published in 2002) dedicated 32 pages to conflicts with Israel and only three to peace, the new one condenses the conflicts to twelve pages and allocates four pages to peace. It also includes, for the first time, a photograph of Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin. Egyptian 9th-grade students are now required to memorize the provisions of the 1979 Israel-Egypt peace treaty and write about the advantages of peace between the two groups. Another change is the inclusion of a photograph of the signing of the 1979 treaty.

Warming Ties

Two Egyptian Sarcophagi covers that were illegally smuggled into Israel were returned to the Egyptian Ambassador to Israel, Hazem Khairat, on May 22, 2016. The objects were brought into Israel through a third country and were confiscated by the Israel Antiquities Authority.

In June 2016, Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry paid an official visit to Israel, the first visit of an Egyptian Foreign Minister to Israel in nine years. Shoukry and Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu held lengthy discussions and expressed their mutual desire to restart direct negotiations in Cairo between Israel and the Palestinians. The pair watched the Euro 2016 soccer championships together at Netanyahu’s official residence in Jerusalem.

Israel’s new Ambassador to Egypt, David Govrin, presented his credentials to Egyptian President Abdel-Fattah el-Sissi as the Egyptian military band played the Israeli national anthem on September 1, 2016. Before he was appointed Ambassador to Egypt, Govrin served as the Director of the Jordan and North Africa Department in the Israeli Foreign Ministry. This ceremony marked the first time in four years that the Israeli Embassy in Cairo was fully staffed.

To curb illegal immigration and the smuggling of weapons and drugs from Egypt to Israel, Israel raised the height by 10 feet of a 10-mile stretch of electrified fence along the Egyptian border in January 2017. The fence, which ranges from the Gaza Strip to the Israeli Red Sea resort of Eilat, stands 15 feet tall in most areas. In 2022, Israel recorded 70 arrests that led to the seizure of nearly $43 million worth of drugs. A June 2023 drug bust caught criminals carrying $80,000 worth of drugs.

Tourism

Even after more than four decades of peace, many Egyptians are still unprepared to accept peaceful relations with Israel. Tourism has remained mostly from Israel to Egypt.

As in other countries, the coronavirus pandemic was devastating to Egyptian tourism. In 2019, 1.5 million Israelis visited Egypt, most of whom traveled to Sinai. By comparison, only about 8,000 Egyptians went to Israel that year. In 2021, the number had fallen to 500.

One sign of the improvement in relations since Abdel Fattah al-Sisi came to power in 2014 is the resumption of EgyptAir flights from Cairo to Tel Aviv. Previously, flagless aircraft operated by Air Sinai, a subsidiary of EgyptAir, flew between the two countries. The first flight, which landed in Tel Aviv on October 3, 2021, came two weeks after a meeting between the Egyptian president and Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett in Sharm El-Sheikh. That was the first visit by an Israeli prime minister to Egypt since 2011.

Israir Airlines subsequently planned to operate 15 weekly flights on the Tel Aviv-Sharm el-Sheikh route. Many Israelis go from the Red Sea resort town to Cairo. In 2022, for example, 20,000 Israeli tourists visited the capital.

Military Cooperation

The Israeli military carried out secret anti-terror drone operations in Egypt with the Egyptian government’s approval beginning in 2015. Unmarked Israeli drones, helicopters, and jets carried out a covert campaign of airstrikes in Egypt against terrorist targets, sometimes multiple strikes per week. The Israeli intervention helped the Egyptian government and military retain control and beat back the jihadist militants operating in the Sinai.

Israel has agreed to allow Egypt to have a greater military presence in the Sinai than provided by the peace treaty to allow the Egyptians to fight the Islamists. This has, however, created some potential danger for Israel and threatened its qualitative military edge. In addition to advanced weaponry provided by the United States, Cairo has purchased fifty MiG-29M/M2 fighter jets, fifty Ka-52 combat helicopters, and multiple S-300VM air-defense systems from Russia, along with four Gowind 2500 warships and twenty-four Rafale fighters from France. This gives the Egyptians strategic flexibility and reduces Washington’s ability to constrain the types of military hardware they field, according to Maj. Gen. (Res.) Sami Turjeman, former head of the IDF Southern Command.

In February 2018, U.S.-based Noble Energy Inc. and Israeli Delek Drilling LP announced $15 billion in deals to sell natural gas from the Leviathan and Tamar fields to Egypt over the subsequent 10 years. Noble, Delek, and their other partners in Leviathan and Tamar signed two agreements with Egypt’s Dolphinus Holdings to sell the country a total of 64 billion cubic meters of natural gas. In 2019, the companies agreed to increase the supply of natural gas to Egypt by 35% relative to the 2018 agreement. The first delivery of gas is expected in early 2020.

In 2019, a research center opened in Bern, Switzerland, to be staffed by scientists from a variety of fields, including oceanography, biology, genetics, ecology, and geology, from all countries bordering the Red Sea. The center will study the effects of climate change, agriculture, urbanization, illegal fishing, and industrial waste on Red Sea corals. This cooperation between Israel, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Jordan is unprecedented.

Egypt sent two Mi-8 transport helicopters to help Israeli firefighters battle brush fires that broke out in southern Israel in late May 2019. The last time Egyptians were in the area was during the 1948 War.

Egypt has played a key mediation role in talks with Hamas to bring about ceasefires when the terrorists have provoked Israeli military operations by firing rockets into Israel.

Expanding Trade

Another sign of warming relations was that Egyptian President el-Sisi sent his foreign minister, Sameh Shoukry, to the Negev Summit in March 2022, where he joined his counterparts from Israel, Morocco, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. A few days later, Egypt and Israel discussed ways to expand economic and trade relations.

In 2021, bilateral trade between Egypt and Israel reached $330 million, an increase of 63% from 2020. Israel’s Minister of Economy and Industry, Orna Barbivai, said that new measures will help double bilateral trade to $700 million within three years.

The two countries were seeking to increase export capacity under the Protocol on the Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ). The program, established by the United States in 2005, allows products jointly manufactured by Egypt and Israel duty-free entry into the U.S., provided that Israeli components constitute 11.7% of the product. As of February 2022, 1,124 companies were registered under the QIZ protocol, the vast majority of which produce textiles (80%). Exports under the QIZ protocol reached $1.2 billion in 2021, accounting for 37% of Egypt’s total exports to the U.S.

Obstacles Remain

The Egyptian press has a long history of hostility toward Israel and has not abated since the peace treaty, though government-controlled publications no longer attack Israel with the vitriol of the past. The Egyptian Journalists Syndicate opposes contact with the “Zionist entity” and voted on March 17, 2023, to continue its ban on normalization and investigate any member who commits “the crime of normalization.”

Some of these journalists engage in the type of anti-Semitic commentary that was commonplace before the treaty was signed, as in the case of a writer who blamed Jews for Netflix hiring a black actress to play Cleopatra in a docudrama about the Queen. “The series [about] Cleopatra is another link in the chain of mind-control by the Jews, who dominate global media and culture,” wrote Refa’at Rashad in Al-Watan.

On June 3, 2023, an Egyptian policeman crossed into Israel and killed two soldiers guarding the border. A third soldier was killed later during a gun battle in which the Egyptian was killed. Prime Minister Netanyahu said, “The incident on the Egyptian border is severe and extraordinary and will be fully investigated. Israel has conveyed a clear message to the Egyptian government: We expect that the joint investigation will be exhaustive and thorough. This is part of the important security cooperation between us, which has benefitted both countries over the years.”

This was the first such incident in 2011 and did not affect relations. “There is an understanding on both sides that this will not harm the strategic cooperation between the two,” said Dr. Haim Koren, Israel’s former ambassador to Egypt.

IMPACT-se’s December 2024 report highlights reforms to Egypt’s 2023-24 school curriculum, including measures to promote peaceful coexistence, remove anti-Semitic content, and present Israel more positively to younger students. Over 80% of elementary students now study revised materials emphasizing tolerance, the Israel-Egypt peace treaty, and reconciliation. Gender equality is also addressed, highlighting women’s societal roles and men's participation in household tasks. However, textbooks for higher grades remain unchanged, retaining anti-Israel and anti-Semitic content. IMPACT-SE CEO Marcus Sheff praised the progress and urged continued reforms for older grades, noting the significance of these changes for the region’s future.

Renewed Tensions

On October 7, 2023, Hamas terrorists massacred hundreds of Israelis and prompted Israel to launch an attack to destroy the organization. The following day, an Egyptian policeman shot and killed two Israeli tourists and their Egyptian tour guide in Alexandria.

Throughout the Israel-Hamas war, Egypt played the role of a mediator between Israel and Hamas. However, it publicly expressed a hostile tone against Israel in the media and international forums. At the same time, Egypt and the Biden Administration agreed that Palestinians should not be resettled in Egypt or any other country. This decision condemned Gazans to remain in Hamas-controlled territory, where they were used as human shields, resulting in thousands of casualties. Egypt constructed a wall along its border with Gaza, physically sealing Gazans inside their war-torn enclave.

Tensions between Egypt and Israel have escalated amid the ongoing war in Gaza, with Cairo growing increasingly vocal against Israeli military actions and rejecting any displacement of Palestinian refugees into Sinai. Egypt has reportedly increased its military presence in the Sinai Peninsula, a move that Israeli officials view as a potential violation of the 1979 peace treaty. While Egypt argues that its actions are defensive and aimed at securing its borders, Israel sees them as unilateral and concerning. This military buildup has led to growing mistrust, with Israeli officials questioning Egypt’s motives and some even accusing it of failing to curb smuggling into Gaza.

In January 2025, Israeli Ambassador to the U.S. Yechiel Leiter raised concerns regarding Egypt’s military activities in the Sinai Peninsula, asserting that Egypt is in “serious violation” of the 1979 peace agreement. He points to the construction of bases designed for offensive operations as clear treaty breaches. Leiter emphasizes the urgency of addressing these issues, stating that they will be immediately brought to the forefront of diplomatic discussions. Additionally, he criticizes Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi for “playing both sides” concerning Hamas, suggesting that a decisive Israeli victory over Hamas would enhance cooperation between Cairo and Jerusalem.

Days later, Israeli UN Ambassador Danny Danon expressed similar concerns over Egypt’s increasing military buildup, questioning the need for such extensive resources given the absence of immediate threats. Danon highlighted that Egypt spends hundreds of millions annually on advanced weaponry, including submarines and tanks, and urged the United States to explain its role in supplying this equipment. These concerns come in the wake of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel, leading to a reevaluation of Israel’s defense strategy and raising questions about the trust between Israel and Egypt despite their peace treaty. While Egypt has played a role as a mediator between Israel and Hamas, Danon’s remarks have highlighted a growing trust gap.

The strained relationship is further complicated by U.S. policy discussions, particularly a proposal from the Donald Trump administration regarding the potential evacuation of Gazans—something Egypt vehemently opposes due to security concerns. Former Israeli Ambassador to Egypt Amira Oron suggests that inflammatory rhetoric from both sides is exacerbating the situation, while analysts argue that domestic pressures also drive Egypt’s maneuvers. The situation remains fluid, with fears that continued tensions could strain the longstanding peace agreement and destabilize the region.

On February 19, 2025, it was reported that the IDF was investigating whether foreign entities were attempting to sabotage relations with Egypt, following reports of concerns in Israel about potential violations of the peace agreement with Egypt. This investigation was prompted by complaints from Cairo regarding videos allegedly showing an IDF spokesperson in Arabic thanking President Sisi for assistance in the wars in Gaza and Lebanon; Israel claims these videos are fake. The IDF examines whether parties with vested interests are linked to publications undermining relations between the two countries.

Later that month, an Egyptian military official attempted to reassure Israel about Egypt’s military buildup, stating that the purpose of the armament is to “protect peace” and that Cairo would not use its forces to harm any neighbor. This statement was made amid increasing discussions and reports concerning Israeli observations along the border with Egypt.

Israel’s newly appointed ambassador to Egypt, Ori Rotman, was disinvited from the accreditation ceremony where he was to present his credentials to Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, reportedly due to Israel’s actions in Gaza. The postponement was not a downgrade in diplomatic ties but a political stance amid regional turmoil, accusing Israel of stalling ceasefire efforts and obstructing hostage negotiations. Egypt also conveyed its dissatisfaction through diplomatic channels, including discussions with the U.S. The ceremony proceeded without Rotman, coinciding with the 46th anniversary of the Egypt-Israel peace treaty. Israel had submitted Rotman’s appointment request in April 2023, but Egypt had delayed approval, as it had with past ambassadors.

In March 2025, Israel approached Egypt and the U.S. to address what it calls a “major violation” of the peace agreement, citing Egyptian military infrastructure in Sinai that exceeds the permitted limits in the treaty’s security annex. While acknowledging that the unauthorized deployment of Egyptian forces is reversible, Israel insists that the issue is a priority for Defense Minister Israel Katz and must be rectified. Despite reaffirming its commitment to the peace agreement and maintaining its military deployment along the border, Israel has made it clear that it “will not accept the situation.”

An April 2025 study by the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI) reveals that Egypt’s state-controlled media is overwhelmingly hostile to Israel, with 87% of opinion articles in the country’s leading newspapers, Al-Ahram and Al-Gomhuria, portraying Israel negatively. The AI-driven analysis of 4,000 articles (January 2024–March 2025) found that 70% expressed “very negative” sentiments toward Israel, whereas fewer than 1% were positive. Additionally, 30% of articles mentioning Jews contained anti-Semitic tropes, including stereotypes of Jewish greed, accusations of global control, and Holocaust denial. Many articles framed Israel as a “colonialist entity” or “cancerous plague” seeking regional expansion. The study highlights how Egyptian media shapes public perception amid ongoing tensions, noting that despite the 46th anniversary of the Camp David Accords, peace between Israel and Egypt has not fully extended to civil society.

The following month, Egypt decided not to appoint a new ambassador to Israel or accept the credentials of Israel’s designated ambassador, Uri Rothman, until the war in Gaza ended. Egypt views the war and its escalating military operations as harmful to its interests, stirring unrest among its public, and being exploited by the Muslim Brotherhood. While embassies in both countries remain operational and the move does not signify a formal break in ties, Oron emphasized its symbolic weight. Egypt has not recalled its ambassador, unlike Jordan, though both posts are currently vacant.

In September 2025, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu urged the Trump administration to pressure Egypt to halt its military buildup in the Sinai, which Israel views as a breach of the 1979 Camp David Accords. Israeli officials reported that Egypt is constructing military infrastructure, extending runways for fighter jets, and building underground facilities possibly for missiles, all beyond what the peace treaty permits. Jerusalem’s attempts to address the issue directly with Cairo failed, prompting appeals to Washington. Egypt denies the claims, while tensions have escalated amid Israel’s ongoing war in Gaza and Cairo’s fears that Israel seeks to push Gazans into Sinai. The dispute comes against the backdrop of reduced monitoring by the U.S.-led observer force and Egypt’s warnings that Israel’s actions could destabilize the peace agreement.

The IDF’s 80th Division has sharply reduced weapons-smuggling drones entering Israel from Egypt, intercepting about 130 drones in October 2025, an improvement of roughly 50% compared to previous periods, even though hundreds may still be attempted monthly. The smuggled weapons, mostly Iranian or Yemeni-made, are intended for Gaza or the West Bank, and the drones are often launched from kilometers away to avoid detection. IDF officers say enhanced coordination among ground forces, intelligence units, the Air Force, and the Shin Bet, along with new detection and interception methods, has significantly improved defensive capabilities. However, most interceptions remain tactical because smugglers operate far from launch sites.

Despite ongoing tensions, on December 17, 2025, Israel signed the largest natural gas deal in its history with Egypt, valued at NIS 112 billion. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that the agreement will generate an estimated NIS 58 billion in state revenues, strengthen Israel’s economy, and cement its status as a regional energy powerhouse. Announced alongside Energy and Infrastructure Minister Eli Cohen, the deal includes NIS 15–16 billion in infrastructure investments, job creation, and long-term gas exports, likely from the Leviathan reservoir through 2040. Netanyahu framed the agreement as enhancing regional stability and promising fair gas prices for Israeli consumers, while Cohen emphasized its strategic, economic, and diplomatic significance. Reports indicate that President Trump pressed Netanyahu to finalize the deal, viewing it as a means to deepen Israel–Egypt interdependence and potentially facilitate high-level diplomatic engagement, even as parallel discussions address broader regional security issues.

Egypt Recalibrating Peace

Egyptian strategic analyst Khaled Hassan documented Egypt’s reassessment of its relationship with Israel, which he argued marked a profound shift rather than a tactical dispute. From Cairo’s perspective, he argued, Israel’s continued military presence in the Philadelphi Corridor is not a temporary wartime measure but a structural breach of the core bargain of the 1979 peace treaty: fixed borders, mutual sovereignty, and carefully regulated security arrangements. By treating the corridor as an open-ended military zone, Egypt believes Israel has unilaterally altered the territorial and security architecture that Camp David was designed to lock in permanently.

As a result, Hassan says, Egypt is no longer operating on the assumption that the pre–October 7 framework can be restored. Instead of suspending the treaty outright—which Cairo knows would carry enormous regional and international consequences—it is hollowing it out selectively and rebuilding it on new terms. The most visible expression of this is Egypt’s refusal to roll back its expanded military deployment in Sinai. What once required Israeli consent under the treaty is now treated by Cairo as a non-negotiable necessity, justified by fears that Israel could attempt to push Gazans into Egyptian territory. Egyptian officials have made clear that such a scenario would be viewed as an existential threat.

Diplomatically, Egypt has deliberately cooled relations to signal that peace no longer means normalization by default. Ambassadors remain unexchanged, high-level meetings are frozen, and symbolic gestures—such as blocking Israel’s ambassador and leaving Egypt’s post in Tel Aviv vacant—are used to underscore that political relations will not recover without major Israeli concessions. Cairo has tied any return to summit-level diplomacy to Israel’s full withdrawal from Gaza and a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination, conditions it knows Israel is unlikely to meet in the near term.

At the same time, Egypt is being careful not to collapse functional cooperation. Security coordination continues, not out of goodwill, but out of fear that miscalculation amid public hostility could spiral into unintended war. Trade, particularly energy cooperation, is also preserved—but aggressively compartmentalized. Cairo insists that deals such as the long-term gas agreement are commercial transactions, not bargaining chips that Israel can use to extract political or security concessions.

Crucially, Egypt is also exploiting Washington’s stake in Camp David. Cairo calculates that the United States—especially an administration invested in preserving its image as a regional peacemaker—cannot afford a visible erosion of the cornerstone Arab–Israeli treaty. By signaling that Camp David is being stretched to its limits, Egypt has made Gaza and Israeli border policy unavoidable issues for U.S. diplomacy. President Sisi’s refusal to visit the White House, combined with selective engagement on Egyptian soil and on Egypt’s terms, reinforces this leverage, according to Hassan.

In effect, Egypt is weaponizing stability. It is not tearing up the peace treaty, but redefining what peace looks like: colder, more conditional, heavily securitized, and explicitly tied to Gaza and the Palestinian question. The message to Israel and the United States is stark: Camp David still exists, but it no longer guarantees the strategic comfort it once did—and the old equilibrium is unlikely to return.

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Overview of Israel-Egypt Cooperation