The Israel-Hamas War: U.S. Policy

First Reaction
Internal Dissent
Moving Military Assets
Micromanaging
Growing Concern Over Civilian Deaths
Intelligence Cooperation
U.S. Pressure to De-Escalate
Holdup On Aid
Tensions Boil Over
Fighting Words
Biden Lays Down the Law
Netanyahu’s Ingratitude
Trump Administration Takes Over Negotiations
DOJ Creates Task Force
Fighting Resumes
Huckabee the Stalwart Friend
Former Biden Officials Speak Out
UN Battles
Trump's 20-Point Peace Plan
Hamas Agrees to Release Hostages
Trump Thanked
Hamas Violates the Deal

First Reaction

The initial reaction of the international community outside the Middle East to the  October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel was almost universally supportive of Israel. The leaders of France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States released a joint statement expressing “steadfast and united support to the State of Israel” and “unequivocal condemnation of Hamas and its appalling acts of terrorism.”

In what many were describing as the strongest statement ever made by President Biden and the angriest most had seen him, the president called the Hamas assault “an act of pure, unadulterated evil.” Repeating a theme of the Israelis, he said, “The brutality of Hamas — this bloodthirstiness — brings to mind the worst — the worst rampages of ISIS.”

“We stand with Israel. And we will make sure Israel has what it needs to take care of its citizens, defend itself, and respond to this attack,” Biden added. “Like every nation in the world, Israel has the right to respond — indeed has a duty to respond — to these vicious attacks.”

Even with Congress in disarray following the Republican decision to replace the Speaker of the House, Biden said, “We’re surging additional military assistance, including ammunition and interceptors to replenish Iron Dome.”

The president also announced that the U.S. was moving a carrier strike group and other military assets to the region and issued a warning: “Let me say again — to any country, any organization, anyone thinking of taking advantage of this situation, I have one word: Don’t. Don’t.”

He reiterated that the “atrocities have been sickening” and that the U.S. would “make sure the Jewish and democratic State of Israel can defend itself today, tomorrow, as we always have.”

When he arrived in Israel on October 12, Secretary of State Antony Blinken said, “You may be strong enough on your own to defend yourself, but as long as America exists, you will never, ever have to.”

Former State Department official David Makovsky said the president did five things to impress Israelis:

• He “struck a clear and decisive moral stance” and “expressed genuine, palpable horror at the brutal Hamas terror attack and massacres in southern Israel.”
• “Israelis could see Biden’s empathy on full display at a time of national trauma.”
• “The promise of genuine U.S. wartime military assistance was the most vivid reminder that Israel is not alone in its moment of peril.”
• “Israelis believe Biden’s declarations of fealty to Israel could be politically costly for him, and yet he persists.”
• “Israelis see that Biden understands the DNA of Zionism. During his visit in July 2022, he arrived in Israel and declared one doesn’t have to be Jewish to be a Zionist.”

On October 19, the U.S. Senate unanimously adopted the Standing with Israel Against Terrorism resolution. A week later, nearly the entire House of Representatives, 412 members, voted for a bipartisan resolution expressing support for Israel and condemning Hamas. Several members also called on the president to cancel the release of any of the $6 billion in frozen Iranian assets held by a Qatari bank. Across the country, rallies were held where community leaders and elected officials stood with the Jewish community to express their support.

More than 2,000 people in the entertainment industry, including Gal Gadot, Jamie Lee Curtis, Chris Pine, Mayim Bialik, Amy Schumer, Michael Douglas, Jerry Seinfeld, Mark Hamill, and Helen Mirren, signed an open letter calling on the entertainment community to speak out forcefully against Hamas, to support Israel, to refrain from sharing misinformation about the war, and do whatever is in their power to urge the terrorist organization to return the innocent hostages to their families.

Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, visiting Israel with a bipartisan group of senators, said, “You are not alone. The United States stands beside you as an unrelenting partner.” The group was forced to run to shelters twice because of Hamas rocket fire.

In New York City, for example, Mayor Eric Adams spoke at one on October 10: “We are not all right when we see young girls pulled from their home and dragged through the streets. We are not all right when we see grandmothers being pulled away from their homes and children shot in front of their families. We are not all right when right here in the City of New York, you have those who celebrate at the same time....Everything is not fine. Israel has a right to defend itself, and that’s the right that we know.” He continued, “I’m your brother. Your fight is my fight....You marched with us with Dr. King. You stood with us with all the fights we have. And I’m saying we’re going to stand with you and stand united together. And we don’t have to be all right. We should be angry at what we saw.”

Secretary of Defense Austin meets with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu

Secretary of State Antony Blinken went to Israel to meet with government officials and also met some Americans and Israelis with family members who had been taken hostage.

Internal Dissent

A year after the war began, Reuters reported that internal emails from top U.S. officials during the first week of the war expressed concerns within the Biden administration about the legality and humanitarian toll of Israel’s response to the Hamas attacks. For example, Dana Stroul, deputy assistant secretary of defense for the Middle East, warned on Oct. 13 that a mass evacuation ordered by Israel “could violate international law” and risk “war crimes charges.” She cited the International Committee of the Red Cross’s (ICRC) alarm, writing it had left her “chilled to the bone.” The ICRC argued it “was impossible for one million civilians to move this fast.”

The State Department’s top public diplomacy official, Bill Russo, raised the alarm that the U.S. was “losing credibility among Arabic-speaking audiences.” He wrote on October 11: “We are being accused of being complicit to potential war crimes by remaining silent on Israel’s actions against civilians.” He called for an urgent shift in messaging and policy: “If this course is not quickly reversed… it risks damaging our stance in the region for years to come.”

Assistant Secretary of State Barbara Leaf forwarded Russo’s concerns to the White House and warned that the relationship with Washington’s “otherwise would-be stalwart” Arab partners was at risk due to the kinds of concerns raised by Russo.

Public rhetoric began shifting only around Oct. 13–14, when Blinken and Biden acknowledged Palestinian suffering.

Moving Military Assets

The U.S. Secretary of Defense, Lloyd Austin, arrived in Israel on October 13, along with a planeload of supplies. Two days earlier, the first shipment of armaments had arrived. The U.S. promised to deliver ammunition and interceptors for the Iron Dome, and Boeing reportedly was accelerating the delivery of 1,000 smart bombs. Austin said additional security assistance to Israel will “flow at the speed of war.”

Austin condemned the “bloodthirsty, fanatical, and hateful” attacks by Hamas terrorists. “The world has just witnessed a great evil: the deadliest attack on civilians in the history of the state of Israel and the bloodiest day in Jewish history since the end of the Holocaust, he said after meeting with Defense Minister Gallant. “So, make no mistake: The United States will make sure that Israel has what it needs to defend itself,” he added.

The United States had already repositioned the USS Gerald R. Ford Strike Group closer to Israel and sent additional fighter aircraft to the region. “For any country, for any group or anyone thinking about trying to take advantage of this atrocity to try to widen the conflict or to spill more blood, we have just one word: Don’t,” Austin said.

As tensions along Israel’s northern border intensified, and Iran threatened to intervene if Israel went ahead with a ground attack on Gaza, Biden ordered a second aircraft carrier task force into the Eastern Mediterranean. Austin reiterated that the intention was “to deter hostile actions against Israel or any efforts toward widening this war following Hamas’s attack on Israel.” A rapid-response force of 2,000 Marines was also deployed to the region.

As the world anticipated a ground operation, Biden made clear he thought it would be “a big mistake” for Israel to reoccupy Gaza.

The administration was also becoming increasingly concerned with the safety of civilians in Gaza. The president appointed a former State Department official, David Satterfield, as a special envoy for Middle East humanitarian issues tasked with facilitating aid to “the most vulnerable people” and promoting the safety of civilians.

Micromanaging

On October 16, Blinken took part in a meeting of the Israeli war cabinet as it laid out plans for prosecuting the war against Hamas. According to BICOM, this is the first time a senior U.S. official has joined these consultations since Henry Kissinger attended Golda Meir’s security cabinet during the 1973 War.

General Michael Kurilla, head of U.S. Central Command, also visited Israel. “I’m here to ensure Israel has what it needs to defend itself, particularly focused on avoiding other parties expanding the conflict,” Kurilla told Reuters.

President Biden traveled to Israel on October 18 to meet with Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu in Tel Aviv, the first time a president visited Israel during wartime. “For the people of Israel, there is only one thing better than having a true friend like you with Israel, and that is standing in Israel as the first U.S. sitting president to visit Israel in a time of war, it is deeply moving and speaks to the depth of support for Israel,” Netanyahu said.

The president reaffirmed his support for Israel and repeated previous warnings that none of its enemies should try to exploit the situation. Biden also announced he would ask Congress for “an unprecedented support package for Israel’s defense” and “keep Iron Dome fully supplied.”

Privately, Biden urged Israeli officials to have a plan for humanitarian relief for Palestinian civilians and publicly asked Israel “to agree to the delivery of lifesaving humanitarian assistance to civilians in Gaza.” He insisted that aid would have to go to civilians, not Hamas. This was after UNRWA had reported that Hamas had stolen fuel and medical supplies (the tweet was subsequently deleted). The president said the U.S. would provide $100 million in humanitarian aid.

Israel reportedly asked for a $10 billion emergency aid package, and former Defense Minister Gantz reportedly told Biden that destroying Hamas “could take years.” Current minister Gallant told the president, “It will be a long and difficult war, and Israel will need U.S. support for a long period.”

Just before departing Israel, Biden met with the families of hostages and missing persons. He stayed long after his aides tried to hustle him to the airport. Each group member was given a minute to speak to the president. “Biden came to Israel to give us both diplomatic and military backing. But in this meeting, the feeling was that he came to give us something more, no less important: a hug,” journalist and resident of Kibbutz Nahal Oz Amir Tibon related. “He shared with us the challenge of not giving in to despair or turning sadness into anger. There were moments when he wiped a tear from his eye.”

Biden had originally planned to meet with the leaders of Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinian Authority, but they all canceled following the bombing of a Gaza hospital that resulted in many civilian casualties. Israel was initially blamed, but as the president explains, the hospital was hit by an errant rocket fired by a terrorist group in Gaza, which Israel identified as Palestine Islamic Jihad.

In a rare nationally televised Oval Office address on October 20, Biden once again expressed America’s steadfast support for Israel in its war with Hamas and announced he would ask Congress to approve a security package that will “sharpen Israel’s qualitative military edge.” He also reiterated his admonition for Israel to “operate by the laws of war.”

The $14.3 billion aid package was delayed until Republicans in Congress stopped their infighting and elected a new Speaker of the House. In the meantime, the United States sent two Iron Dome batteries it had purchased to Israel. Haaretz also reported that U.S. transport aircraft have landed in Israel carrying additional military supplies, including advanced ammunition. Israel has also bought and received armored vehicles, including ambulances, jeeps, and engineering equipment.

On October 22, the leaders of the U.S., Canada, France, Germany, Italy, and the UK issued a joint statement supporting Israel and expressing concern for civilians and hostages.

In the first crack in Biden’s unequivocal support for Israel’s operations, he called for a “pause” in fighting to allow more time to get “prisoners” out. It was unclear precisely what the president meant. One official said he was referring to his request that Netanyahu temporarily suspend the assault to allow the two American hostages Hamas released to exit Gaza. Another official had said the previous week that the White House wanted a pause to allow more humanitarian aid into Gaza.

Meanwhile, an American official told reporters that following talks with the U.S., Israel “significantly refined” its original military plan.

Blinken traveled around the Middle East, meeting with Arab leaders to discuss the crisis. He met with Abbas in Ramallah to implore him to keep the West Bank calm and discuss the future of Gaza after the war ends. He also went to Iraq to express support for the government and ask Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani to hold those found to have carried out attacks against American personnel responsible.

The administration was also reportedly sending messages to Iran and Hezbollah warning that the United States would intervene militarily if they attacked Israel. The Pentagon announced that a nuclear submarine was sent to the area to emphasize the threat.

Growing Concern Over Civilian Deaths

As the Hamas-derived number of civilian casualties reached 10,000, Blinken, CIA director Bill Burns, and the president repeatedly called on Netanyahu to pause the assault to allow more humanitarian aid into Gaza and were reportedly becoming increasingly frustrated by Netanyahu’s refusal to do so. The prime minister said there would be no pause unless all the hostages were released. He suggested Israel would be willing to offer “tactical little pauses, an hour here, an hour there...to enable goods, humanitarian goods to come in, or our hostages, individual hostages to leave.”

Meanwhile, Ron Dermer, the former ambassador to the U.S. and current Strategic Affairs Minister, who has taken an active role in most of the talks with American officials, is said to have cautioned government officials that failing to respond to the pressure could result in a high political cost for Israel.

The administration became increasingly critical of Israel’s tactics and their impact on civilians. In particular, officials believed Israel was using bombs that were more powerful than needed for the operations and were causing too much collateral damage. This undoubtedly played a role in Biden’s agreeing to accelerate the delivery of a $320 million sale of precision-guided weapon systems to Israel that could reduce civilian casualties. This sale was already in the works before Biden had submitted his proposal for emergency aid, which had not yet been approved.

Intelligence Cooperation

Chief of Staff Herzi Halevi told a Knesset committee on November 9 that American-made weapons and intelligence were critical to the IDF’s operations. Haaretz reported that some of the aid provided by the U.S. included:

• From U.S. stockpiles in Europe, 57,000 155mm artillery shells.
• Thousands of bunker-buster munitions.
• Some 200 kamikaze drones.
• To resupply Apache gunships, 2,000 Hellfire laser-guided missiles and 36,000 rounds of 30mm ammunition.
• A shipment of 1,800 of the 3,000 M141 bunker-buster shoulder-fired rockets.
• A total of 3,500 of 5,000 PVS-14 night vision devices on order.
• Two Iron Dome batteries that Israel will lease from the U.S., along with 312 Tamir interceptors.

Other requests expected to be fulfilled include 200 Switchblade 600 dive-bombing drones, 75 armored Joint Light Tactical Vehicles, and 20,000 M4A1 rifles.

The Wall Street Journal reported that after October 7, a secret memorandum dramatically expanded intelligence cooperation between the U.S. and Israel, marking what Israeli officials called an “unprecedented level of coordination” in the two nations’ security partnership.

The arrangement has strengthened joint efforts in several key areas:

• Hostage recovery: U.S. intelligence—especially real-time drone surveillance and raw data feeds—has helped Israel locate hostages and track Hamas’s leadership.
• Border security: Shared intelligence assists Israel in monitoring movements near its borders to prevent further incursions or surprise attacks.
• Counterterrorism: The collaboration aims to identify and disrupt Hamas’s military wing and prevent future large-scale assaults.

American and Israeli officials emphasized that the U.S. does not provide targeting intelligence for air or ground strikes, focusing instead on defensive and humanitarian objectives.
Both sides maintain that operations using U.S. intelligence must comply with international humanitarian law and the Law of Armed Conflict, with Israel giving formal assurances to that effect.

Overall, the enhanced intelligence partnership enabled closer coordination, faster information exchange, and stronger deterrence against shared threats.

U.S. Pressure to De-Escalate

Following the announcement that Israel planned to begin operations in southern Gaza, the administration sought to delay them until a plan was made for the Palestinians, whom Israel had told to move south. “In the event that we believe that Israel is likely to embark on combat operations, including in the south, we believe both that they have the right to do that, but that there is a real concern, because hundreds of thousands of residents of Gaza have fled now from the north to the south at Israel’s request,” said U.S. Deputy National Security Adviser Jon Finer. He added, “We think that their operations should not go forward until those people – those additional civilians – have been accounted for in their military planning. And so, we will be conveying that directly to them and have been conveying that directly to them.”

As Israel prepared to resume its military campaign following the pause for releasing hostages, the Biden administration reportedly urged Israel to minimize the displacement of Palestinian civilians in southern Gaza. The administration opposed establishing a safe area, citing concerns that it would be insufficient to accommodate the population and necessary humanitarian aid. Additionally, Israel was advised to conduct operations with increased precision in southern Gaza to reduce the risk of harming civilians.

Blinken had arrived for his fourth trip to Israel the day before the pause in fighting ended and repeated previous admonitions to de-escalate tensions in the West Bank and hold settler extremists accountable for anti-Palestinian violence. He also continued to emphasize the administration’s concern with what would happen to Gaza after the war, reiterating U.S. opposition to renewed occupation and settlement in Gaza.

Blinken elaborated on his expectations, “taking more effective steps to protect the lives of civilians, including by clearly and precisely designating areas and places in southern and central Gaza where they can be safe and out of the line of fire. It means avoiding further significant displacement of civilians inside of Gaza. It means avoiding damage to life-critical infrastructure, like hospitals, like power stations, like water facilities. And it means giving civilians who’ve been displaced to southern Gaza the choice to return to the north as soon as conditions permit. There must be no enduring internal displacement.”

Netanyahu said, “I told him we have sworn, and I have sworn, to eradicate Hamas. Nothing will stop us.”

Holdup On Aid

With the aid package still held up in Congress in December over issues unrelated to Israel, the administration issued an emergency order bypassing congressional review to supply Israel with nearly 14,000 rounds of tank ammunition worth more than $106 million. “The United States is committed to the security of Israel, and it is vital to U.S. national interests to assist Israel to develop and maintain a strong and ready self-defense capability. This proposed sale is consistent with those objectives,” the State Department said, “Israel will use the enhanced capability as a deterrent to regional threats and to strengthen its homeland defense.”

Biden appeared to be attempting to micromanage the war. Every day, articles appeared in the press about how the administration was pressuring Israel on how and where to fight and for how long. Blinken tried to tamp down suggestions the U.S. wanted Israel to finish its campaign by the end of the year. “These are decisions for Israel to make,” he said after admitting the discussions were held on how Israel was “prosecuting this campaign against Hamas” and the duration.

Israeli officials also disputed accounts that disagreements with the administration were affecting the war effort. “There’s 100% agreement from the U.S. on our goals for the war both in public and private,” a senior official told the Times of Israel. The official said Gallant and Austin “are in constant contact.”

During a celebration of Chanukah at the White House, Biden said, “We continue to provide military assistance until they get rid of Hamas, but we have to be careful....The whole world, public opinion can shift overnight. We can’t let that happen.”

At a fundraising event, Biden said, “There’s no question about the need to take on Hamas. There’s no question about that. None. Zero. They have every right.” He criticized Itamar Ben-Gvir for opposing a two-state solution and said that Netanyahu needs to strengthen the PA. “You cannot say there’s no Palestinian state at all in the future.” That said, he added, “But in the meantime, we’re not going to do a damn thing other than protect Israel in the process. Not a single thing.”

Biden said Netanyahu (he calls him by his nickname Bibi) understands that “Israel’s security can rest on the United States, but right now it has more than the United States. It has the European Union, it has Europe, it has most of the world supporting it. But they’re starting to lose that support of the indiscriminate bombing that takes place.” He said when Netanyahu pointed out that a lot of civilians died when the United States bombed Germany and Japan in World War II, that was why institutions were set up later to be sure it didn’t happen again. He told Netanyahu, “Don’t make the same mistakes we made at 9/11.”

The next day, the administration walked back the comment.

“The president was reflecting a concern that we have had for some time and will continue to have as this military operation proceeds, about the need for reducing civilian harm and being as precise and careful and deliberate as possible,” said John Kirby, National Security Council coordinator for strategic communications. He also spoke about the lengths Israel was going to protect civilians, mentioning the alerts to move from combat areas. “That’s basically telegraphing your punches. There are very few modern militaries in the world that would do that. I don’t know that we would do that.” He also gave credit for the “positive ways” Israel was acting to reduce civilian casualties.

Still, there was no mistaking the administration’s growing impatience. National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan met with Israeli leaders in mid-December to discuss Israeli war plans and to urge the government to wind down operations within weeks. Israel was reportedly being told to end most air operations and limit ground missions to small special forces units to minimize casualties in the densely populated southern part of Gaza. “I want them to be focused on how to save civilian lives,” Biden said when asked if he wanted Israel to scale down its operations by the end of the month. “Not stop going after Hamas, but be more careful.”

Israel remained defiant, with Gallant saying that since Hamas had built its infrastructure over more than a decade, “it is not easy to destroy them. It will require a period of time.” He added, “It will last more than several months, but we will win, and we will destroy them.”

Netanyahu was more blunt, saying he told Israel’s “American friends” that the country was “more determined than ever to continue fighting until Hamas is eliminated — until complete victory.”

Despite ongoing disagreements with Netanyahu over war and postwar strategy and a political standoff in Congress over the $14.3 billion aid package, the administration continued to provide weapons to resupply the IDF. For the second time since the beginning of the war, the president bypassed Congress in late December to approve a weapons package for Israel, this time consisting of $147.5 million of artillery munitions and other equipment.

The aircraft carrier Gerald R. Ford was withdrawn from the Mediterranean and replaced at the beginning of 2024 by an amphibious-ready group with more than 4,000 sailors, marines, and more than 50 aircraft.

National Security Council Coordinator for Strategic Communications John Kirby again reaffirmed support for Israel’s defensive war. He noted the strategy of targeting infrastructure and leadership was similar to the U.S. approach in Iraq and Afghanistan. Questioned about Israel’s ability to achieve its goal of destroying Hamas, Kirby insisted, “It is absolutely an attainable goal for the Israeli military forces to degrade and defeat Hamas’s abilities to conduct attacks inside Israel.” He also acknowledged the campaign’s limitations. “Are you going to eliminate the ideology? No. And are you likely going to erase the group from existence? Probably not. But can you eliminate the threat that Hamas poses to the Israeli people? Absolutely.”

The New York Times reported that the CIA formed a task force to collect and provide information to Israel on senior Hamas leaders and the location of hostages.

Back in Washington, the president’s aid package for Israel remained bogged down by Republican opposition to the portion related to U.S. border security. Biden insisted that Congress pass the entire package, which included aid to Ukraine and Taiwan. He threatened to veto a standalone bill for Israel aid introduced by House Republicans who wanted to force Democrats to choose between loyalty to the president and their pro-Israel constituents. The president pressured Democrats to oppose the bill. Though 46 supported it, the bill failed.

Tensions Boil Over

Administration officials had been pressuring Israel for months to take action against extremist Jewish settlers attacking Palestinians in the West Bank. Finally, they became fed up with the lack of response. On February 1, 2024, Biden issued an executive order allowing the U.S. to impose new sanctions on Israelis, primarily settlers, involved in violent attacks against Palestinians. Initially, only four Israelis were sanctioned, and it did not appear that many others would be affected. Israeli officials were upset by the new policy and argued the administration had greatly exaggerated the problem and ignored the far more prevalent issue of Palestinian attacks on Jews.

Facing increasing pressure from Democrats from the left, concerns about losing Arab and Muslim votes in the critical swing state of Michigan, feeling unhappy with Netanyahu’s responses to his concerns, and anger over the number of civilian casualties in Gaza, Biden lashed out during a press conference on February 8, 2023. The event was called primarily so Biden could respond to a critical Department of Justice report about his handling of classified information, which questioned his mental acuity. Angry about that, he expressed frustration with what he referred to as Israel’s “over the top” military operation. “There are a lot of innocent people who are starving, a lot of innocent people who are in trouble and dying, and it’s gotta stop,” Biden said. He also said he was pushing for a ceasefire and a deal for the release of hostages held by Hamas as well as a deal whereby Saudi Arabia would normalize relations with Israel, but that hit a roadblock when Netanyahu rejected the Saudi demand that Israel create a path for the establishment of a Palestinian state.

In addition, though it did not specifically mention Israel, Biden issued a national security memorandum that restricts the use of U.S. weapons by allies. This appeared to be a response to pressure from some Congressional Democrats to condition aid to Israel and his anger over the growing number of civilian casualties in Gaza. The memo states the standards countries that receive U.S. weapons must adhere to, calls for the State Department to obtain written assurances from countries receiving U.S. arms that they are abiding by international law and facilitating the transport of U.S. humanitarian assistance, and requires the administration to submit an annual report to Congress about whether countries are meeting the requirements.

Despite the disagreements and admonishments, Biden continued to supply arms to Israel, even as his large aid package remained bottled up in Congress. According to the Wall Street Journal, in mid-February, the administration proposed the transfer of MK-82 bombs, KMU-572 Joint Direct Attack Munitions that add precision guidance to bombs, and FMU-139 bomb fuses. Congress will still need to approve the transfer.

The Journal said that Israel had already received some 21,000 precision-guided munitions since the start of the war and was believed to have used about half of those. The paper noted this was another example of how the administration has sped up the flow of arms to Israel, which have been airlifted directly to the Jewish state. Biden, it noted, had used emergency rules to bypass Congress to make the deliveries.

The Washington Post reported that more than 100 sales had been approved for Israel between October 7, 2023, and March 2024. The paper noted only two of these had been made public, one for $106 million worth of tank ammunition and $147.5 million for components needed to make 155 mm shells.

Blinken met with Netanyahu in February and told him to wind down the war, asserting that Israel had achieved the objective of ensuring Hamas could not repeat October 7. Netanyahu told him, “Our objective is to completely destroy Hamas’ military and governing capabilities.” Further, he wanted to deter attacks by any enemy by demonstrating the consequences. 

Fighting Words

Biden ratcheted up the pressure on Israel during his State of the Union address. While acknowledging that “Israel has a right to go after Hamas” and recognizing the families of hostages invited to attend the speech, he also implicitly criticized Israel’s conduct of the war. “To the leadership of Israel, I say this: Humanitarian assistance cannot be a secondary consideration or a bargaining chip,” Biden said. “Protecting and saving innocent lives has to be a priority.” 

He announced that the U.S. would build a pier in Gaza to facilitate the distribution of aid, which would be shipped from Cyprus.

Biden also said he was “working nonstop to establish an immediate ceasefire that would last for six weeks” and restated his position that a two-state solution is the only path “that guarantees peace between Israel and all of its Arab neighbors, including Saudi Arabia.”

As Biden was leaving the House chamber after his speech, he was caught on a hot mic saying, “I told Bibi, don’t repeat this, you and I are going to have a ‘come to Jesus’ meeting.” It was an odd turn of phrase to use about the prime minister of the Jewish state, but he clearly meant that Netanyahu was going to be given an ultimatum; it just wasn’t evident what Biden was going to demand.

Biden raised the stakes further two days later when he said Netanyahu “hurts Israel more than he helps Israel (by killing civilians). This is a mistake.” When asked about Israel’s plan to move into Rafah, Biden said he considered that a “red line.” “You can’t have another 30,000 Palestinians dead as a consequence of going after (Hamas). There are other ways to deal with Hamas,” he said.

Focusing on the humanitarian crisis and the need for a ceasefire was no doubt heartfelt, but also an effort to appease his progressive base and, his campaign undoubtedly hoped, the Arabs and Muslims who had voted “uncommitted” in the Michigan primary a few days earlier. Still, he was not going to accept their demands to condition or cut aid to Israel. “It is a red line, but I am never going to leave Israel,” Biden said. “The defense of Israel is still critical, so there’s no red line I’m going to cut off all weapons.”

Netanyahu took the president’s words as an insult and fired back that Israel would not change its plan to go after Hamas in Rafah. “You know, I have a red line. You know what the red line is, that October 7 doesn’t happen again.” Responding to Biden’s assertion that he is hurting Israel, Netanyahu said, “I don’t know exactly what the president meant, but if he meant by that, that I’m pursuing private policies against the wish of the majority of Israelis, and that this is hurting the interests of Israel then he’s wrong on both counts,” 

Just as the administration became increasingly open about its frustration with Netanyahu, Israelis were no less angry with their American counterparts. After a U.S. intelligence report suggested Netanyahu would lose power, the prime minister was reportedly “fuming” and determined to “embark upon on strong, public and dramatic confrontation with the president of the United States.” A senior Israeli official said, “Israel is not a protectorate of the U.S. but rather an independent and democratic country whose citizens are the ones who elect the government. We expect our friends to work to bring down the terror regime of Hamas and not the elected government in Israel.”

Things got worse soon after when Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer, the highest-ranking Jewish elected official in the United States, said Netanyahu had “lost his way” and become an obstacle to peace. Schumer called for Israel to hold new elections because the extremists in his coalition had made Netanyahu “too willing to tolerate the civilian toll in Gaza, which is pushing support for Israel worldwide to historic lows.” He added, “Israel cannot survive if it becomes a pariah.”

Netanyahu responded furiously, echoing Menachem Begin when he had come under criticism from the United States, “It’s inappropriate to go to a sister democracy and try to replace the elected leadership there. That’s something that Israel, the Israeli public does on its own, and we’re not a banana republic.”

On March 18, roughly a month since their last conversation, Netanyahu and Biden spoke on the phone. Biden reaffirmed his support for Israel defeating Hamas and reiterated the importance of protecting the civilian population and facilitating the safe and unhindered delivery of aid throughout Gaza. Netanyahu agreed to send a team to Washington to produce “alternative approaches for an operation in Rafah.”

National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan later reinforced the message that Biden opposes Israel’s plan to enter Rafah. “A major ground operation there would be a mistake. It would lead to more innocent civilian deaths, worsen the already dire humanitarian crisis, deepen the anarchy in Gaza and further isolate Israel internationally,” Sullivan said.

On March 25, the State Department announced that after receiving assurances from Israel, it found no evidence that Israel is violating a recent directive that recipients of U.S. military aid comply with international human rights law. The administration had been under pressure from some Democrats to cut aid to Israel on the grounds it was misusing American weapons.

The same day, the United States abstained from a UN Security Council resolution demanding “an immediate cease-fire” during Ramadan, “leading to a lasting sustainable cease-fire, and also the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.” Israel read the text as failing to make the release of the hostages a prerequisite for a ceasefire, though the U.S. insisted it was. Amb. Thomas-Greenfield said, “A ceasefire of any duration must come with the release of hostages.”

Biden seemed to be straddling a line between his political need to appease progressives in the party who were demanding that he support a ceasefire and abandoning support for Israel’s need to destroy Hamas. Israel did not take it that way. Netanyahu had agreed in a phone call with Biden to send two of his closest aides—Minister of Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer and National Security Council head Tzachi Hanegbi—for meetings in Washington to discuss the planned ground operation in Rafah that the administration hoped to prevent. The prime minister’s office issued a statement: “The United States has abandoned its policy in the UN today....Today’s resolution gives Hamas hope that international pressure will force Israel to accept a ceasefire without the release of our hostages, thus harming both the war effort and the effort to release the hostages.” Consequently, he announced he would not send the delegation to Washington.

John Kirby said, “we’re kind of perplexed by this” because “it’s a nonbinding resolution. So, there’s no impact at all on Israel and Israel’s ability to continue to go after Hamas.” He took issue with Netanyahu’s characterization of the vote as a change in U.S. policy, insisting that it was consistent with the position linking a hostage deal to a temporary ceasefire. He also said, “we still have Israel’s back....we are still providing tools and capabilities, weapons systems so that Israel can defend itself against what we — we agree is still a viable threat to [of] Hamas.”

Adding to the spat, the administration rejected Netanyahu’s office statement that Hamas’s rejection of the latest proposal for the release of the hostages was “a sad testament to the damage caused by the UN Security Council resolution.” The State Department spokesman said, “That statement is inaccurate in almost every respect, and it is unfair to the hostages and their families... I can tell you that that response was prepared before the UN Security Council vote, not after it.”

Biden Lays Down the Law

The administration continued to send mixed messages as Biden attempted to appease both Israel supporters and critics within the Democratic Party. 

House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby, for example, said on April 3 that “Israel has a right to defend itself. Maybe not everybody believes that, but they do. And maybe not everybody believes that they’re living next to a genocidal threat, but they are. And so, we’re going to continue to support them. No country should have to live like that. No country should have to be attacked, like they were on the 7th of October, with 1,200 people slaughtered.” 

The next day, furious over the mistaken targeting of aid workers from the World Central Kitchen (WCK), Biden called Netanyahu and told him “that an immediate ceasefire is essential to stabilize and improve the humanitarian situation and protect innocent civilians, and he urged the prime minister to empower his negotiators to conclude a deal without delay to bring the hostages home.” He “emphasized that the strikes on humanitarian workers and the overall humanitarian situation are unacceptable” and “made clear the need for Israel to announce and implement a series of specific, concrete, and measurable steps to address civilian harm, humanitarian suffering, and the safety of aid workers.” Further, “He made clear that U.S. policy with respect to Gaza will be determined by our assessment of Israel’s immediate action on these steps.”

Though it was speculated that Biden threatened to stop military aid to Israel if Netanyahu did not heed his advice, the president said, “I asked them to do what they’re doing.” He also reacted angrily to the suggestion that he would end support for Israel.

To prove the point, the administration authorized the transfer to Israel of over 1,000 500-pound bombs and over 1,000 small-diameter bombs just before the WCK attack. Biden was also calling on Congress to approve the sale of  $18 billion worth of F-15 fighter jets to Israel, despite members of his party asking him to suspend or condition arms deliveries and sales to Israel (the request for the planes by Israel had been made before the war).

Israel also helped its cause by withdrawing most of its troops from Gaza and opening up additional entry points for aid convoys.

Despite Israel bowing to U.S. demands to increase aid and hold off on a Rafah operation, Biden’s anger boiled over again, telling Univision in an interview taped on April 3, “What I’m calling for is for the Israelis to just call for a ceasefire, allow for the next six, eight weeks, total access to all food and medicine going into the country.” He added, “I’ve spoken with everyone from the Saudis to the Jordanians to the Egyptians. They’re prepared to move...this food in. And I think there’s no excuse to not provide for the medical and the food needs of those people. It should be done now.”

For the first time, he did not link a ceasefire to the release of the hostages or defend Israel’s right to defeat Hamas, suggesting a dramatic shift in policy in the direction of those demanding an immediate and unconditional ceasefire. The White House, however, denied any policy change. “The president was reiterating our longstanding position: we are calling for an immediate ceasefire that would last for at least six weeks as part of a hostage deal,” an official said. National Security Adviser Sullivan went further and blamed Hamas for the impasse. “There could be a ceasefire in place today that would extend for several weeks to be built upon longer if Hamas would be prepared to release some of those people, so let’s train the attention where it belongs… I believe Israel is ready and Hamas should step up to the table and be prepared to do so as well,” he stated.

Biden also criticized Netanyahu more directly than in the past. When asked if the prime minister was more concerned with his political future than Israel’s national interest, the president said, “I think what he’s doing is a mistake… I don’t agree with his approach.” He also lambasted Israel for the strike on the WCK, which had occurred two days earlier. “I think it’s outrageous that those… three vehicles were hit by drones and taken out on a highway,” he said.

Biden’s Jekyll and Hyde approach to Israel came out as the former again after Congress approved the long-delayed foreign aid bill providing Israel with a record $14.3 billion in military assistance. He said:

Biden also noted that the bill significantly increased humanitarian aid to Gaza. The $1 billion in additional aid would be used for food, medical supplies, and clean water.

In an interview with CNN, Biden delivered a mixed message of support and threat. “We’re going to continue to make sure Israel is secure in terms of Iron Dome and their ability to respond to attacks that came out of the Middle East recently,” he said before adding, “I made it clear that if they go into Rafah – they haven’t gone into Rafah yet – if they go into Rafah, I’m not supplying the weapons that have been historically used to deal with Rafah, to deal with the cities, that deal with that problem.”

His remarks came after the administration confirmed it was suspending the shipment of certain weapons. U.S. Ambassador to Israel Jack Lew said, “fundamentally, nothing has changed in the basic relationship,” and that only “one set of munitions” had been held back and that “everything else keeps flowing.”

Even as the administration continued to criticize Israel, Biden acknowledged, “There would be a ceasefire tomorrow if Hamas would release the hostages.”

The Washington Post reported the administration was also using carrots to discourage Israel from launching an offensive in Rafah. The paper said the U.S. was offering Israel intelligence on the location of Hamas leaders and tunnels. It is also advising Israel on how to provide the necessary assistance to relocate civilians from Rafah. Simultaneously, American officials worked with Egypt to find and destroy tunnels crossing the Rafah border. Israel has long complained that Hamas used such tunnels to smuggle weapons.

After suspending the delivery of some weapons, President Biden continued to express support for Israel’s overall objectives. “We stand with Israel to take out [Hamas leader Yahya] Sinwar and the rest of the butchers of Hamas,” he said on May 20, 2024. “We want Hamas defeated, and work with Israel to make that happen.”

Despite more civilian casualties after Israel moved troops into Rafah, the administration said its red line had not been crossed, and officials made no public effort to pressure Israel to halt its operation. They only reiterated their insistence that Israel do everything possible to avoid civilian casualties and do more to allow humanitarian assistance to reach Gazans.

Netanyahu’s Ingratitude

With tensions between Israel and the White House simmering, Netanyahu inexplicably decided to blast the Biden administration following a June 10 meeting with Blinken, accusing the U.S. of withholding arms. “When Secretary Blinken was recently here in Israel, we had a candid conversation,” Netanyahu said in a video released on June 18. “I said I deeply appreciated the support the U.S. has given Israel from the beginning of the war. But I also said something else. I said it’s inconceivable that in the past few months, the administration has been withholding weapons and ammunition to Israel. Israel, America’s closest ally, fighting for its life, fighting against Iran and our other common enemies.” He added, “During World War II, Churchill told the United States, ‘Give us the tools, we’ll do the job,’” Netanyahu said. “And I say, give us the tools and we’ll finish the job a lot faster.”

Administration officials reacted with disbelief and anger at what they considered ingratitude and disrespect toward a president who supported Israel despite his disagreements with the prime minister. Other than the suspension of the shipment of bombs to signal dismay over the operation in Rafah, the White House said, “There are no other pauses, none, no other pauses or holds in place.”

“With regard to 2,000-pound bombs, because of our concerns about their use in a densely populated area like Rafah, that remains under review,” Blinken said. “But everything else is moving as it normally would move.”

He added, “The president’s been very clear from day one, that he will do everything he can to make sure that Israel has what it needs to effectively defend itself against these threats.”

Axios reported that the White House canceled a high-level meeting in Washington to discuss Iran in response to Netanyahu’s comments. The White House denied the report and said the meeting was moved because of a scheduling conflict.

The timing of the remarks was also strange, given that previously reluctant Democrats in Congress agreed the day before to the transfer of F-15 fighter jets to Israel as part of a record $18 billion military assistance package. The Wall Street Journal reported that despite Congress’s support, the State Department had not yet formally notified Congress of the planned sale. A Republican senator told the Washington Free Beacon that the administration had stopped fast-tracking weapons to Israel in January in response to pressure from Democrats in Congress.

Biden envoy Amos Hochstein was already in Israel to discuss efforts to de-escalate the situation on the northern border. According to Axios, he told Netanyahu that his remarks were “inaccurate and out of line.”

Nevertheless, Netanyahu continued publicly commenting about the U.S.’s failure to provide needed weapons. During a cabinet meeting, he said, “For long weeks, we turned to our American friends and requested that the shipments be expedited. We did this time and again. We did so at the highest levels, and at all levels, and we did so behind closed doors. We received all sorts of explanations, but the basic situation did not change. Certain items arrived sporadically but the munitions at large remained behind.” He added that he only went public because deliveries did not change despite privately imploring the administration to expedite them.

Some Israeli officials confirmed to Haaretz “a slowdown in recent weeks in the rate at which ammunition and replacement parts are arriving,” but said the reasons were “bureaucratic and technical problems rather than a deliberate decision.” Yediot Ahronot’s Nahum Barnea noted the shortage of munitions was due to several reasons, “manufacturing limits in light of the demand created by the wars being fought simultaneously by Ukraine and Israel; tremendous waste of munitions in the first few weeks of the war and flawed management of the use of munitions in the months that followed; American objections to Israel’s use of munitions that cause massive damage, damage that looks bad on camera and creates a political problem in an election year.”

The prime minister did clarify one point that was of particular concern to the administration, saying, “Settlement in Gaza is unrealistic and does not help achieve the war aims.” The U.S. was concerned because of comments from right-wing ministers expressing the desire to return Jewish settlers to Gaza.

During Gallant’s visit to Washington in late June, administration officials admitted that unintentional “bottlenecks” had slowed the transfer of some weapons to Israel. Gallant said, “During the meetings, we made significant progress. Obstacles were removed, and bottlenecks were addressed… [regarding] munition supply.”

An administration official said the U.S. had sent more than $6.5 billion in weapons to Israel since the war started. The U.S. also plans to release a shipment of 1,700 500-pound bombs that was delayed in April after Israel completed its Rafah operation. The decision was made because Israel does not need the bombs for use in Gaza, and the administration wanted to patch up relations with the Israelis. The 2,000-pound bombs were still being withheld because “the President was not taking orders from Netanyahu.”

At a later press conference, Biden said, “I am not providing them 2,000-pound bombs. They cannot be used in Gaza or any populated area without causing great human tragedy and damage.”

President Biden shocked the nation by announcing on July 21, 2024, that he would not run for reelection and endorsed Vice President Kamala Harris to replace him on the ballot. He gave a primetime speech to explain his decision on the 25th, the same day Netanyahu spoke to a joint session of Congress. Harris, who would typically preside during the speech, instead attended a campaign event, prompting some critics to accuse her of boycotting. Several Democratic lawmakers and one Republican did stay away and criticized Netanyahu for his conduct of the war. They were joined in their critique by some hostage families upset that he came to Washington without securing a deal for their loved one’s release.

In his speech, Netanyahu thanked the president for his support and hit familiar themes about Iran’s role in promoting instability in the region and Hamas’s responsibility for the bloodshed in Gaza. He referenced his ongoing dispute with the administration over weapons deliveries, saying, “Give us the tools faster, and we’ll finish the job faster.”

Thousands of protesters demonstrated against Netanyahu, vandalizing monuments in Washington, burning the American flag, and replacing American flags with Palestinian ones. The White House deputy press secretary told Jewish Insider, “Identifying with evil terrorist organizations like Hamas, burning the American flag, or forcibly removing the American flag and replacing it with another, is disgraceful. Anti-Semitism and violence are never acceptable. Period.”

On July 30-31, 2024, Israel assassinated two senior terrorists. First, an air strike in Beirut killed Fuad Shukr, Hezbollah’s most senior military commander and a right-hand man to Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah. Shukr was responsible for the Majdal Shams strike that killed 12 children and other deadly attacks on Israel. Hours later, Ismail Haniyeh was killed in a pre-dawn airstrike in Tehran. 

Israel had pledged to kill anyone involved in the October 7 massacre. Some analysts questioned the timing since Haniyeh was engaged in the hostage negotiations, but explained that Israel likely acted because the opportunity arose. It was also seen as a message to Tehran that Israel could reach anyone in Iran, that their intelligence and security were inadequate, and that the country was vulnerable to an Israeli strike at any time.

Israel informed Washington it had carried out the assassination, which surprised and outraged the administration, which feared it could torpedo negotiations for a ceasefire and the release of the hostages and lead to an escalation that could spiral out of control.

Iran, Hamas, and Hezbollah all vowed to retaliate.

“If Israel is attacked, yes, we will help Israel defend itself,” said Defense Secretary Austin. “We’ve been clear about that from the very beginning. We don’t want to see that happen; what we want to see is things resolved in a diplomatic fashion.” Austin also said he had ordered the USS Abraham Lincoln to the region and more cruisers and destroyers capable of ballistic missile defense. Additional squadrons of F/A 18 Hornets and F-22 fighter jets were also sent to reinforce defensive air support capabilities. The U.S. also said it deployed a submarine.

Gallant and Austin were in close contact to discuss “interoperability with the wide range of U.S. military capabilities deployed to the region.”

In addition, the United States announced the release of $3.5 billion in military aid to Israel, the first tranche from the $14.1 billion package approved by Congress in April.

Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. CQ Brown Jr. visited Israel on August 26 to meet with Halevi and Gallant. The visit coincided with the arrival of the 500th U.S. transport plane, which had been carrying military hardware since October 7. Over the previous ten months, the U.S. had sent over 50,000 tons of equipment, including armored vehicles, munitions, ammunition, personal protection gear, and medical equipment.

On February 1, 2024, Federal prosecutors filed criminal charges against senior Hamas leaders for the deaths of at least 43 American citizens in Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. The indictment was unsealed three days after the IDF discovered the bodies of six hostages murdered by Hamas in a Gaza tunnel. Among them was American Hersh Goldberg-Polin.

“The charges unsealed today are just one part of our effort to target every aspect of Hamas’operations. These actions will not be our last,” Attorney General Merrick Garland said. “We are investigating Hersh’s murder, and each and every one of the brutal murders of Americans, as acts of terrorism. We will continue to support the whole of government effort to bring the Americans still being held hostage home,” he added.

Those indicted were Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas; Ismail Haniyeh, the former chairman of Hamas’s Politburo; Mohammad Al-Masri, the commander-in-chief of the al-Qassam Brigades; Marwan Issa, the deputy commander of the al-Qassam Brigades; Khaled Meshaal, the head of Hamas’s diaspora office; and Ali Baraka, Hamas’s head of National Relations Abroad. 

Haniyeh, Al-Masri, and Issa are deceased, and the remaining three are at large.

In mid-September, as the war in the north escalated, Biden said, “We’re going to do everything we can to keep a wider war from breaking out. And we’re still pushing hard.” Before a meeting with the president of the UAE on September 23, Biden said, “I continue to be in contact with our counterparts and we’re working to deescalate in a way that allows people to return home safely.”

Biden was also pressuring Israel not to launch a ground invasion. “We obviously do not believe that a ground invasion of Lebanon is going to contribute to reducing tensions in the region, to preventing an escalatory spiral of violence, and that’s in part why we are so focused on utilizing this week to explore these ideas and see if we can develop this off-ramp,” an anonymous official told the press.

The U.S. also sent additional troops to the region. In addition, the aircraft carrier USS Truman, two destroyers, and a cruiser set sail for the Mediterranean on a regularly scheduled deployment. The aircraft carrier, USS Abraham Lincoln, was already in the Gulf of Oman.

Speaking to the UN General Assembly on September 24, 2024, a few days after Israel intensified its attacks against Hezbollah, Biden reiterated his desire to prevent a wider war that would engulf the region. “Hezbollah, unprovoked, joined the October 7th attack launching rockets into Israel,” he said.  “Almost a year later, too many on each side of the Israeli-Lebanon border remain displaced. Full-scale war is not in anyone’s interest.  Even as the situation has escalated, a diplomatic solution is still possible. In fact, it remains the only path to lasting security to allow the residents from both countries to return to their homes on the border safely.  And that’s what working — that’s what we’re working tirelessly to achieve.”

On October 1, Iran launched 180 ballistic missiles at Israel. Israeli and U.S. air defenses shot down most. Two U.S. naval destroyers launched a dozen interceptors against the incoming Iranian missiles.

“Based on what we know now, the attack appears to have been defeated and ineffective,” President Biden said, acknowledging that the U.S. military “actively supported” Israel’s defense. He added, “Make no mistake, the United States is fully, fully, fully supportive of Israel.”

When asked if Israel should retaliate, national security adviser Jake Sullivan said U.S. administration officials will continue to talk with their Israeli counterparts.

Biden spoke to Netanyahu for the first time in nearly two months on October 9. The discussion was supposed to concern Israeli retaliation against Iran for its missile attack on October 1. The only information released came from the White House, which said Biden repeated his mantra that the U.S. had an “ironclad commitment to Israel’s security, stressed “the need to minimize harm to civilians, in particular in the densely populated areas of Beirut,” stressed “the urgent need to renew diplomacy to release the hostages held by Hamas,” and discussed “the humanitarian situation in Gaza and the imperative to restore access to the north, including by reinvigorating the corridor from Jordan immediately.”

To defend Israel against a possible attack by Iran in retaliation for an Israeli strike on Iranian targets, the United States deployed its advanced THAAD (Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense) anti-ballistic missile system in Israel with a force of 100 to operate it. Leaks from Washington suggested the system was sent in exchange for an Israeli agreement not to attack nuclear or oil facilities.

Almost simultaneously, the administration threatened to cut off the supply of offensive military weapons if Israel did not allow more aid into Gaza. This undercut Israel’s strategy of trying to put greater pressure on Hamas by denying it resources that it was stealing from the aid deliveries. Biden subsequently agreed Israel had met the requirements they had set to continue the arms deliveries.

In November, the FBI arrested two Pittsburgh residents; one was identified as a Hamas operative who allegedly acquired bomb-making materials to target Jewish sites in Pittsburgh. The second, charged as his accomplice, was accused of vandalizing a Chabad synagogue and a Jewish community center with pro-Hamas graffiti.

The president also fought off an effort by some members of his own party to block some $20 billion worth of arms sales to Israel. A resolution to block the sale of tank rounds was rejected by a vote of 79 to 18. A second resolution to block the sale of high-explosive mortar rounds was rejected by 78 to 19. A third resolution to block the sale of joint direct attack munitions (JDAMS) was rejected by 80 to 17.

“At a time when Hezbollah is about to agree to a ceasefire, now is not the time to send a message to Israel’s adversaries that there is a break in the relationship between the United States and Israel,” a U.S. said. “It actually only encourages Israel’s adversaries to be more obstinate and sends a terrible message to Iran, as Iran considers retaliation against Israel.” The official also rejected the argument made by senators who claimed they supported the sale of defensive weapons. “You can’t retrieve hostages or get to a rocket launcher with an Iron Dome missile.”

The day before, the U.S. vetoed a UN Security Council resolution calling for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, citing concerns that the proposal did not include the immediate release of hostages as a condition.

In a New York Times interview weeks before leaving office, Blinken made the startling revelation that the impediment to a hostage deal was U.S. policy: “Whenever there has been public daylight between the United States and Israel, and the perception that pressure was growing on Israel, we’ve seen it: Hamas has pulled back from agreeing to a ceasefire and the release of hostages.”

Blinken also disclosed that five days after Oct. 7, when he was in Israel, five days before the president’s planned trip to Jerusalem to show American solidarity with Israel, he told the prime minister, “I’m going to call the president and tell him not to come if you don’t allow this [humanitarian] assistance to start flowing.”

This threat forced Israel to abandon its strategy of imposing a siege on Gaza to create pressure on Hamas to release the hostages.

On January 15, 2025, Israel and Hamas reached an agreement to pause the conflict in Gaza and establish a framework for the phased release of hostages and Palestinian prisoners. The framework is based on the three-phase plan outlined by President Biden in May 2024.

Trump Administration Takes Over Negotiations

On his inauguration day, President Donald Trump brought Israeli hostage families on stage, declaring, “The work begins. We won, but now we have to bring them home.” He condemned Hamas’s brutality, noting, “Some just want us to bring home their son’s body. It should have never happened.”

As ceasefire negotiations unfolded, Trump remained skeptical, stating, “I’m not confident. It’s not our war. It’s their war.” His national security adviser, Mike Waltz, assured Israel of U.S. backing if Hamas violated the deal. Special Envoy Steven Witkoff clarified that the Trump administration “had nothing to do with the mathematics” of the agreement, emphasizing their role in accelerating the process. He praised Qatar’s mediation, calling Sheikh Mohammed’s role “indispensable.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Envoy Adam Boehler stressed that hostage release was a top priority, warning Hamas of “total annihilation” if they failed to comply. Trump reinforced his stance, stating, “Let all hell break loose” if hostages weren’t freed by February 15. Netanyahu echoed the ultimatum, yet Israel accepted only a few hostages instead of demanding all. Hamas, initially resistant, resumed releases after Trump and Netanyahu’s threats.

On February 20, Hamas returned the bodies of four hostages, including the Bibas children, but one was misidentified, prompting Boehler to condemn Hamas’s “horrific” actions. Trump reiterated, “We got a lot of hostages back, but it’s very sad what happened to those people.” The U.S. backed Israel’s decision to delay prisoner releases in response.

By March 1, the U.S. proposed a ceasefire framework for Ramadan and Passover, requiring Hamas to free half of the living hostages. Hamas rejected it. Meanwhile, Trump officials secretly engaged in direct talks with Hamas in Doha, focusing on American hostages, but no deal was reached.

President Trump meets with freed hostages at the Oval Office, March 5, 2025

On March 5, freed hostages met with Trump in Washington, urging continued efforts. Afterward, Trump issued a final warning: “Shalom Hamas means Hello and Goodbye – You can choose.” He vowed, “Not a single Hamas member will be safe if you don’t do as I say.” Declaring unwavering support for Israel, he promised “everything it needs to finish the job” if Hamas failed to comply.

DOJ Creates Task Force

The U.S. Justice Department announced on March 17 the leadership team and membership of “Joint Task Force October 7” (JTF 10-7), an initiative that will seek justice for the victims of the October 7, 2023, terrorist attack in Israel and address the ongoing threat posed by Hamas and its affiliates. The Attorney General established JTF 10-7 on her first day in office, demonstrating the high priority the Justice Department is placing on honoring the memories of the approximately 1,200 people murdered by Hamas in the attack, including 47 U.S. citizens, and supporting the approximately 250 additional people that Hamas abducted, including eight U.S. citizens.

“The barbaric Hamas terrorists will not win - and there will be consequences,” said Attorney General Pamela Bondi.

JTF 10-7 will focus on targeting, charging, and securing for prosecution in the U.S. the direct perpetrators of the October 7 attack – the terrorists on the ground that day who murdered and kidnapped innocent civilians. JTF 10-7 will also investigate acts of terrorism and civil rights violations by individuals and entities providing support and financing to Hamas, related Iran proxies, and their affiliates, as well as acts of antisemitism by these groups.

 “The [Justice] Department will no longer permit illegal support of Hamas on our campuses and elsewhere in the homeland,” said Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche. “Anti-Semitic acts of terrorism – whether here or abroad – will never go unpunished.”

JTF 10-7 will be supported by dedicated FBI agents, analysts, forensic accountants, data scientists, and linguists. 

Fighting Resumes

In January 2025, President Trump directed the relisting of the Houthis as a foreign terrorist organization (FTO) to disrupt their financial support and counter their attacks on U.S. Navy ships, commercial vessels, and Middle Eastern infrastructure. The executive order also instructed USAID and the State Department to review and end relationships with groups paying the Houthis. The move reinstates Trump’s prior designation, reversed by the Biden administration over humanitarian concerns, and enables broader sanctions to restrict the group’s access to financial systems. In early March, the U.S. State Department officially designated the Houthis as a Foreign Terrorist Organization, citing their attacks on U.S. personnel and commercial vessels, threats to regional stability, and the need to curb support for terrorism.

In March 2025, Yemen’s Houthi leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, warned that the group would resume naval attacks on Israel if it maintained its blockade on Gaza, restricting humanitarian aid and closing crossings beyond a March 11, 2025, deadline. When the deadline passed, the Houthis announced the resumption of attacks targeting Israeli-affiliated ships in the Red Sea. Between October 2023 and March 2025, the Houthis attacked over 60 vessels. 

In response to the renewed threats, the U.S. Navy and allied forces heightened patrols in the region to ensure the safety of commercial shipping lanes. The U.S. and U.K. also launched new airstrikes on targets in Yemen.

On March 15, 2025, the U.S. launched large-scale military strikes against Houthi targets, marking the most significant military action of Trump’s second term. The strikes, ordered to secure Red Sea shipping lanes disrupted by Houthi attacks, targeted radars, air defenses, and missile systems. U.S. officials framed the offensive as both a direct response to recent Houthi threats against American aircraft and a warning to Iran amid nuclear negotiations. Trump, wary of deepening U.S. involvement in the Middle East, has resisted calls for broader military action but approved this operation following high-level White House discussions.

Following the escalation of violence, Trump delivered a strong warning to both the Houthis and Iran through his social media account:

U.S. officials have confirmed that the 5th Fleet has officially entered a phase of “sustained combat operations.”

After weeks of fruitless negotiations with Hamas to extend the ceasefire and release the remaining hostages, Israel received indications that Hamas was planning to carry out further terrorist attacks against Israeli civilians and IDF soldiers. On March 18, 2025, the decision was made to launch a surprise preemptive attack on Hamas targets in Gaza. The IDF named this military operation “Strength and Sword.”

“The Trump administration and the White House were consulted by the Israelis on their attacks in Gaza tonight,” White House press secretary Karoline Leavitt said in a Fox News interview. “As President Trump has made it clear – Hamas, the Houthis, Iran, all those who seek to terrorize not just Israel, but also the United States of America, will see a price to pay. All hell will break loose.”

“The blame for the resumption of hostilities lies solely with Hamas,” acting U.S. ambassador to the UN Dorothy Shea said. “We support Israel in its next steps.”

As the press and aid agencies publicized the deteriorating humanitarian situation, Trump began to take notice. Speaking during his visit to the UAE, the president said, “We’re looking at Gaza and we’ve got to get that taken care of. A lot of people are starving. There’s a lot of bad things going on.” The administration subsequently increased pressure on Israel to allow more aid into Gaza.

Trump repeatedly expressed his desire to see the war end. On July 1, Trump announced that Israel agreed to a 60-day ceasefire. “We will work with all parties to end the war,” Trump said. “I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this deal because it will not get better — it will only get worse,” Trump wrote on Truth Social.

Netanyahu met with Trump at the White House in early July with a focus on ending the war. Trump had said he would pressure Netanyahu, but continued Hamas objections to a proposed deal meant the prime minister returned to Israel without an agreement.

A movement to pressure Israel over its policies in Gaza was growing among Western leaders who decided to recognize a Palestinian state or threaten to do so. France was first, followed by Great Britain, prompting Trump to criticize them for what he called a “reward” for Hamas. He took a much tougher line when Canada announced it would take a similar step. “Wow! Canada has just announced that it is backing statehood for Palestine. That will make it very hard for us to make a Trade Deal with them,” Trump posted on Truth Social.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration backed Israel’s opposition to a phased Gaza hostage deal despite Hamas accepting an Arab-mediated proposal. “That’s the official position, and that’s President Trump’s official position,” Witkoff told Fox. Witkoff blamed Hamas for delays, saying it “slow played that process” with new demands. Witkoff predicted, “We’re going to settle this one way or another, certainly before the end of this year.”

Even as Trump continued to be steadfast in his support for Israel, American public opinion was trending against the Jewish state. In July, approval of Israel’s military action in Gaza was only 32%, the lowest reading since Gallup first asked the question in November 2023. The partisan split reflected the downward trend of Democratic support for Israel, as only 8% approved of Israel’s action in Gaza compared to 71% of Republicans. Fifty-two percent of Americans viewed Netanyahu unfavorably, his highest unfavorable rating since 1997.

President Trump put the onus on Hamas to end the war. He said on September 5 that the U.S. was in “deep negotiation” with Hamas. “We said, let them all out right now, let them all out, and much better things will happen for them. But if you don’t let them all out, it’s going to be a tough situation. It’s going to be nasty,” said Trump.

Huckabee the Stalwart Friend

After becoming U.S. ambassador to Israel in April 2025, Mike Huckabee was an outspoken defender of Israel. In a Times of Israel interview, he dismissed most international criticism of Israel’s actions in Gaza, arguing that Hamas bears primary responsibility for Palestinian suffering and that no country in history has been expected to feed its attacker.

Huckabee strongly condemned the UK and France for moving to recognize a Palestinian state, saying they had rewarded Hamas and undermined hostage negotiations. He described the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation as proof that Israel and the U.S. are providing aid despite Hamas’s theft and obstruction.

He said many Gazans he met privately despise Hamas, the PLO, and Fatah, and some even expressed respect for the IDF and the U.S. He rejected reports of large civilian massacres at aid sites as fabrications, though acknowledged civilian deaths in chaotic war conditions.

On U.S. policy, Huckabee emphasized President Trump’s unwavering support for Israel, while insisting Hamas must be eliminated — likening its survival to Nazis remaining in postwar Germany. He credited recent Arab League resolutions calling for Hamas to disarm as a surprising source of hope, while denouncing the global rise of anti-Semitism as irrational and deeply troubling.

Personally, Huckabee rooted his confidence in Israel’s survival not only in geopolitics but in faith, saying Israel’s endurance across 3,800 years shows “God’s hand is upon” the Jewish people.

Former Biden Officials Speak Out

Biden officials, meanwhile, were providing their own versions of relations with Israel. Ex–State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller revealed that Netanyahu repeatedly sabotaged ceasefire and hostage-release efforts during the Gaza war, even as the Biden administration bit its tongue to avoid giving Hamas leverage. In an interview with Israel’s Channel 13, Miller described how Netanyahu derailed near-agreements by publicly threatening to invade Rafah, by suddenly demanding control of the Philadelphi Corridor, and by dragging out responses until opportunities slipped away.

At one point, Biden was forced to announce a deal himself with almost no notice to Jerusalem, to keep Netanyahu from retreating. Still, Netanyahu leaked contradictory messages and piled on new conditions. U.S. officials now believe hostages who were later executed might have been saved if Netanyahu hadn’t stalled. Former National Security Council official Brett McGurk admitted, however, that there was never a time when Hamas agreed to a whole hostage deal when Israel added additional conditions.

When Trump returned to office, his team largely went along with Netanyahu’s refusal to move from a temporary truce to a permanent ceasefire, cementing Israel’s course back to war. As Antony Blinken warned early on, without a plan for “the day after,” Israel was locking itself into endless conflict. According to Miller, Netanyahu responded: “We are going to be fighting this war for decades to come. That’s the way it’s been. That’s the way it’s going to be.”

UN Battles

In September 2025, Israel came under attack on multiple fronts, with the U.S. alone in mounting a defense. When the Commission of Inquiry released a report accusing Israel of “genocide,” Morgan Ortagus, Counselor of the U.S. Mission to the United Nations, said:

This was an addendum to his explanation for the U.S. veto of a one-sided Security Council resolution condemning Israel. He called the resolution “performative” and said it provided a “lifeline” to Hamas terrorists, while minimizing the suffering of hostages still held in Gaza. The call for a ceasefire, he said, was dangerous because it would allow Hamas to remain in power and potentially repeat its attacks. The resolution also drew a false equivalence between Hamas and Israel. Furthermore, Ortagus argued that Gaza’s humanitarian crisis was primarily due to Hamas’s exploitation of aid, and the U.S. rejected the resolution’s reliance on flawed UN reports. He praised alternative aid mechanisms like the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) and airdrops from international partners, which it claimed were more effective in preventing aid from reaching Hamas.

Earlier, Trump had warned that Israel “may be winning the war, but they’re not winning the world of public relations.” He said, “They’re gonna have to get that war over with… It is hurting Israel.” Despite calls to pressure Israel to end the war, Trump continued to believe that Jerusalem must “finish the job.”

Trump’s 20-Point Peace Plan

The U.S. consulted with Arab and Muslim countries during the UN General Assembly on a 20-point plan to end the war in Gaza. The White House released the plan on September 29 following the meeting between Trump and Netanyahu.

1. Gaza will be a deradicalized terror-free zone that does not pose a threat to its neighbors.
2. Gaza will be redeveloped for the benefit of the people of Gaza, who have suffered more than enough.
3. If both sides agree to this proposal, the war will immediately end. Israeli forces will withdraw to the agreed upon line to prepare for a hostage release. During this time, all military operations, including aerial and artillery bombardment, will be suspended, and battle lines will remain frozen until conditions are met for the complete staged withdrawal.
4. Within 72 hours of Israel publicly accepting this agreement, all hostages, alive and deceased, will be returned.
5. Once all hostages are released, Israel will release 250 life sentence prisoners plus 1700 Gazans who were detained after October 7^th 2023, including all women and children detained in that context. For every Israeli hostage whose remains are released, Israel will release the remains of 15 deceased Gazans.
6. Once all hostages are returned, Hamas members who commit to peaceful co-existence and to decommission their weapons will be given amnesty. Members of Hamas who wish to leave Gaza will be provided safe passage to receiving countries.
7. Upon acceptance of this agreement, full aid will be immediately sent into the Gaza Strip. At a minimum, aid quantities will be consistent with what was included in the January 19, 2025, agreement regarding humanitarian aid, including rehabilitation of infrastructure (water, electricity, sewage), rehabilitation of hospitals and bakeries, and entry of necessary equipment to remove rubble and open roads.  
8. Entry of distribution and aid in the Gaza Strip will proceed without interference from the two parties through the United Nations and its agencies, and the Red Crescent, in addition to other international institutions not associated in any manner with either party. Opening the Rafah crossing in both directions will be subject to the same mechanism implemented under the January 19, 2025 agreement.
9. Gaza will be governed under the temporary transitional governance of a technocratic, apolitical Palestinian committee, responsible for delivering the day-to-day running of public services and municipalities for the people in Gaza. This committee will be made up of qualified Palestinians and international experts, with oversight and supervision by a new international transitional body, the “Board of Peace,” which will be headed and chaired by President Donald J. Trump, with other members and heads of State to be announced, including Former Prime Minister Tony Blair. This body will set the framework and handle the funding for the redevelopment of Gaza until such time as the Palestinian Authority has completed its reform program, as outlined in various proposals, including President Trump’s peace plan in 2020 and the Saudi-French proposal, and can securely and effectively take back control of Gaza. This body will call on best international standards to create modern and efficient governance that serves the people of Gaza and is conducive to attracting investment.
10. A Trump economic development plan to rebuild and energize Gaza will be created by convening a panel of experts who have helped birth some of the thriving modern miracle cities in the Middle East. Many thoughtful investment proposals and exciting development ideas have been crafted by well-meaning international groups, and will be considered to synthesize the security and governance frameworks to attract and facilitate these investments that will create jobs, opportunity, and hope for future Gaza.
11. A special economic zone will be established with preferred tariff and access rates to be negotiated with participating countries.
12. No one will be forced to leave Gaza, and those who wish to leave will be free to do so and free to return. We will encourage people to stay and offer them the opportunity to build a better Gaza.
13. Hamas and other factions agree to not have any role in the governance of Gaza, directly, indirectly, or in any form. All military, terror, and offensive infrastructure, including tunnels and weapon production facilities, will be destroyed and not rebuilt. There will be a process of demilitarization of Gaza under the supervision of independent monitors, which will include placing weapons permanently beyond use through an agreed process of decommissioning, and supported by an internationally funded buy back and reintegration program all verified by the independent monitors. New Gaza will be fully committed to building a prosperous economy and to peaceful coexistence with their neighbors.
14. A guarantee will be provided by regional partners to ensure that Hamas, and the factions, comply with their obligations and that New Gaza poses no threat to its neighbors or its people.
15. The United States will work with Arab and international partners to develop a temporary International Stabilization Force (ISF) to immediately deploy in Gaza. The ISF will train and provide support to vetted Palestinian police forces in Gaza, and will consult with Jordan and Egypt who have extensive experience in this field. This force will be the long-term internal security solution. The ISF will work with Israel and Egypt to help secure border areas, along with newly trained Palestinian police forces. It is critical to prevent munitions from entering Gaza and to facilitate the rapid and secure flow of goods to rebuild and revitalize Gaza. A deconfliction mechanism will be agreed upon by the parties.
16. Israel will not occupy or annex Gaza. As the ISF establishes control and stability, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) will withdraw based on standards, milestones, and timeframes linked to demilitarization that will be agreed upon between the IDF, ISF, the guarantors, and the United States, with the objective of a secure Gaza that no longer poses a threat to Israel, Egypt, or its citizens. Practically, the IDF will progressively hand over the Gaza territory it occupies to the ISF according to an agreement they will make with the transitional authority until they are withdrawn completely from Gaza, save for a security perimeter presence that will remain until Gaza is properly secure from any resurgent terror threat.
17. In the event Hamas delays or rejects this proposal, the above, including the scaled-up aid operation, will proceed in the terror-free areas handed over from the IDF to the ISF.
18. An interfaith dialogue process will be established based on the values of tolerance and peaceful co-existence to try and change mindsets and narratives of Palestinians and Israelis by emphasizing the benefits that can be derived from peace.
19. While Gaza re-development advances and when the PA reform program is faithfully carried out, the conditions may finally be in place for a credible pathway to Palestinian self-determination and statehood, which we recognize as the aspiration of the Palestinian people.
20. The United States will establish a dialogue between Israel and the Palestinians to agree on a political horizon for peaceful and prosperous co-existence.

Trump invited Netanyahu to Washington to discuss the plan on September 29. The day before Trump posted, “We have a real chance for GREATNESS IN THE MIDDLE EAST.”

Axios reported that Witkoff and Jared Kushner met Netanyahu in New York for several hours on the 28th to try to bridge the remaining differences over the plan. According to the Times of Israel, Netanyahu succeeded in securing significant revisions, particularly on two of the most sensitive issues: the scope of the IDF withdrawal and the disarmament of Hamas. The original draft required Israeli forces to pull back to vague “battle lines” tied to earlier proposals, raising concerns of a rapid exit. The updated version instead lays out a phased withdrawal tied to benchmarks and conditions. A new map shows that Israeli troops will remain in much of Gaza even after the first stage of the pullback, and more than a third of the territory after the second. Complete withdrawal was not to take place until an international stabilization force is deployed and operating, and the plan establishes a permanent Israeli security buffer along the Gaza perimeter to prevent future cross-border attacks.

The disarmament language was also toughened. Where the earlier draft offered amnesty to Hamas members who pledged to coexist, the revised version makes amnesty contingent upon surrendering their weapons. It also requires the destruction of tunnels, weapons production sites, and other offensive infrastructure, with compliance monitored by independent observers. A buy-back and reintegration program, backed by international funding, will support the process.

The changes gave Israel a greater role in determining the pace of its withdrawal while establishing more concrete guarantees that Hamas will be disarmed.

The White House subsequently said that Netanyahu apologized to Qatar in a trilateral phone call with the Emir and Trump. This led the administration to release a 20-point plan, which deleted one point regarding Qatar.

Several of the remaining points crossed red lines that both Hamas and Israel had long warned they would never accept. 

Here is a summary of concerns about the plan published in The Telegraph:

Israeli Concerns

• Withdrawal & security control: Israel insists on a permanent IDF security presence, as a complete withdrawal risks the collapse of Netanyahu’s coalition.
• Symbol of victory: Not seizing central Gaza City undermines Netanyahu’s pledge of a decisive victory.
• Buffer zone: Israel demands an IDF-controlled strip inside Gaza; Hamas resists.
• Hostage deal: Israel insists on full release at once; Hamas fears losing leverage afterward.
• Prisoner releases: Freeing thousands, especially figures like Marwan Barghouti, would be seen as a major Hamas victory.
• Exile for Hamas leaders: Netanyahu’s right-wing partners see this as surrender, not victory.
• Aid & reconstruction: Israel wants control over aid entry; distrusts UN role; uncertain about Gaza Humanitarian Foundation’s future.
• PA involvement: Israel rejects the PA's role in Gaza, citing terrorism ties, while critics argue that Netanyahu is blocking Palestinian unity.
• Settlements & return: Right-wing ministers demand Jewish settlement in Gaza and oppose the right of return for displaced Gazans.
• UNRWA ban: Israel rejects UNRWA in education, but Palestinians view it as essential.
• Disarmament: Israel insists on destroying Hamas infrastructure before withdrawal; the mechanism remains unresolved.
• International force: Israel is skeptical of its ability/willingness to fight Hamas and wary of Arab troops in Gaza.
• Hamas leadership abroad: Israel vows to keep targeting Hamas leaders globally, contradicting deal terms.
• Palestinian statehood: Broad Israeli consensus rejects a Palestinian state, making the “credible pathway” clause unacceptable to many.

Hamas & Palestinian Concerns

• Israeli presence: Hamas demands complete IDF withdrawal; rejects long-term Israeli buffer zones.
• Disarmament: Hamas is unwilling to give up weapons or abandon its mission to destroy Israel.
• Hostage trust: Hamas doubts U.S. guarantees Israel won’t resume fighting after hostages freed.
• Exile/amnesty: Hamas leaders resist exile, viewing it as defeat.
• Economic redevelopment: Fear that Gaza could become a “foreign-managed project” excluding residents.
• UNRWA & education: Palestinians oppose removing UNRWA and Israeli influence over curriculum.
• Right of return: Palestinians demand guarantees for displaced Gazans to return; Israel’s Right opposes.
• PA role: PA demands inclusion; exclusion undermines prospects for unified Palestinian governance.

International/Structural Issues

• Qatar’s role: Qatar has leverage over Hamas, but Israel distrusts it; granting Doha immunity is controversial.
• International force: Questions about mandate, composition, and readiness to confront Hamas.
• Aid oversight: Lack of clarity on which states will fund and implement reconstruction.
• Political horizon: Ambiguous “credible pathway” to statehood satisfies no one—Israel sees it as too much, Palestinians as too little.

Despite the concerns, Netanyahu said during a joint news conference that he agreed to the plan, spinning it as consistent with his position:

He said the first step would be a modest withdrawal, followed by the release of all the hostages within 72 hours. Israel, he said, would withdraw as the dismantling of Hamas continued. If Hamas rejected the deal, he added, Israel would finish the job with Trump’s blessing. To that point, Hamas had not responded.

Meanwhile, Netanyahu would have to deal with fallout in Israel. An obstacle to any agreement had been opposition within Netanyahu’s coalition. In particular, Bezalel Smotrich. Before the prime minister’s meeting, he said, “His success is our success.” He then laid out a series of conditions likely to torpedo any deal. First, he dismissed international guarantees as meaningless, insisting Israel’s security rests on territory, action, and the strength of the IDF. Second, he reiterated his longstanding view that Hamas must be eradicated, all terror infrastructure dismantled, and the IDF must retain permanent control of the perimeter—including the Philadelphi corridor—with full operational freedom inside Gaza. Third, he ruled out any Palestinian Authority role—“now or ever”—warning it would legitimize aspirations for a terror state in Gaza and the West Bank. Likewise, he rejected the idea of a Palestinian state altogether.

Bezalel Smotrich and others who had advocated the total destruction of Hamas, including Netanyahu, were likely betting on Hamas to reject the deal so Israel would be free to complete the takeover of Gaza. Even before getting a response, Netanyahu began to backtrack, insisting he did not agree to establish a Palestinian state. “Absolutely not. It’s not even written in the agreement.” He added, contradicting a significant point of the deal, the IDF “will remain in most of the territory.”

Eight Muslim states announced their support for the deal in a joint statement: “The foreign ministers of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the United Arab Emirates, the Republic of Indonesia, the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, the Republic of Turkiye, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the State of Qatar, and the Arab Republic of Egypt welcome President Donald J. Trump’s...efforts to end the war in Gaza, and assert their confidence in his ability to find a path to peace.” 

Israeli political commentator Amit Segal argued that the Israeli assassination attempt in Doha led Qatar to change its position from defending Hamas’s efforts to remain in power and its demands for complete Israeli withdrawal from Gaza to pressuring the group to accept the deal. “The Qataris saw what befell the regimes that backed Hamas, and they don’t want to be next,” he argued.

President Trump announced the following day that Hamas had three to four days to respond to his hostage-for-prisoner exchange plan. He emphasized that if Hamas refuses, Israel will “do what it needs to do.” He said, “All of the Arab countries are signed up, the Muslim countries all signed up, Israel’s all signed up. We’re just waiting for Hamas, and Hamas is either going to be doing it or not — and if it’s not, it’s going to be a very sad end.”

Qatar and Turkey delivered a stark warning to Hamas: the U.S.-backed proposal is the last opportunity to halt the war. Both countries made clear they cannot continue political, economic, or diplomatic support if Hamas rejects or stalls the plan. Sources stress this is a decisive moment, and any hesitation risks complete isolation and irreversible consequences for the terrorist group.

The Washington Post reported that a half-dozen countries, including Italy, Indonesia, and Azerbaijan, have volunteered troops for the stabilization force.

On October 3, Trump posted this deadline for Hamas to respond to his peace plan:

Hamas submitted what was essentially a “yes, but” reply to the plan before the deadline—enough ambiguity to keep it alive and enough concession to satisfy Trump. Convinced progress was within reach, Trump told Axios on October 5, “we are close” to a peace deal and vowed to finalize it quickly. He also recounted his conversation with Netanyahu: “This is your chance for victory,” Trump said. “He was fine with it. He’s got to be fine with it. He has no choice. With me, you’ve got to be fine.”

Trump also reportedly pressured Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, telling him, “I did a lot for you and now I need you to do this.” Trump said he was subsequently “very helpful” in pressuring Hamas to release the hostages.

Trump also told Axios he was acting to help Israel restore its image. “Bibi took it very far and Israel lost a lot of support in the world. Now I am gonna get all that support back,” he said.

Trump told CNN that if Hamas did not relinquish power, it would face “Complete obliteration!”

Indirect negotiations between Israel and Hamas on the implementation of the deal began in Cairo on October 6, with Trump pushing for the release of all the hostages within the week. Hamas immediately began making new demands that were unacceptable to Israel. The terrorists insisted that the IDF withdraw completely from Gaza before any hostage exchange. They also demanded the release of several high-profile terrorists convicted of multiple murders.

Trump stated that he had been informed that the first phase of the peace plan was expected to be completed within the week. Trump wrote: “We had some very good meetings…and it looks like it’s working, so we’ll wait for a little while, see how it all turns out. I am asking everyone to MOVE FAST. I will continue to monitor this Centuries old ‘conflict.’ TIME IS OF THE ESSENCE OR, MASSIVE BLOODSHED WILL FOLLOW — SOMETHING THAT NOBODY WANTS TO SEE!”  

Hamas Agrees to Release Hostages

Hamas was never willing to make a deal for all the hostages at once, and always insisted on a complete Israeli withdrawal first. Witkoff and Kushner met with Hamas leaders on October 8 to assure them that Trump would not allow Israel to resume the war once the hostages were freed. According to Axios, the Americans met with the four most senior Hamas leaders involved in the negotiations, including Khalil al-Hayya, who had survived an Israeli assassination attempt in Doha three weeks earlier. Witkoff told the Hamas officials the hostages were now “more of a liability than an asset for you.” It was time to move on with the first phase of the deal and “bring people home on both sides of the border.”

Later, Trump announced that Hamas and Israel had agreed to the first phase of his peace plan that would involve the release of all the hostages, some 2,000 Palestinian prisoners, and result in a partial withdrawal of Israeli forces and an increase in the delivery of aid.

After announcing the deal, he hailed the development as going beyond just the Strip and heralding “peace in the Middle East.”

The announcement came after days of negotiations in Egypt, where negotiators planned to sign the agreement on the afternoon of October 9.

Netanyahu called and told Trump, “I can’t believe it. Everybody is liking me now.” Trump replied, “More importantly, they are loving Israel again, and they really are. I said, ‘Israel cannot fight the world, Bibi, they cannot fight the world.’ And he understands that very well. So it’s amazing the way it’s all come together.”

Later, in a statement, Netanyahu said it was “A great day for Israel…I thank the heroic soldiers of the IDF and the entire security apparatus, whose bravery and sacrifice brought us to this day. I thank, from the bottom of my heart, President Trump and his team for their mobilization for the sacred task of releasing our hostages. God willing, we will continue together in order to achieve all our aims and expand the peace with our neighbours.”

Trump said he received “tremendous help” from members of his administration in getting the deal over the finish line, “with everybody from Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner and Marco [Rubio], and we had everybody. JD [Vance], the whole, the whole group was just amazing. And the military was, as you know, very instrumental in getting this done. We have a great military with great leadership.”

“The whole world came together, to be honest, so many countries that you wouldn’t have even thought of it, and they came together. The world has come together around this deal, and that’s something I would say that without it, that wouldn’t happen,” he added. “So many countries that you wouldn’t have thought of have wired their best wishes and their commitment to do whatever is necessary. The countries surrounding have all signed, I mean, they’re all signed up, and it’s been, it’s been really an amazing period of time.”

“Iran was about one month, maybe two months, away from having a nuclear weapon, and if I allowed that to happen, this deal would not have been possible,” he said. “Or if it was, it would have a tremendous cloud over it, because you’d have a country with a nuclear weapon that was not obviously very friendly.” He went on to say that “Iran is going to be, actually, a part of the whole peace situation” because “countries that frankly didn’t get along, they’re all involved, and it’s brought the whole world together.”

Reports suggest that the hostages—48 of them, including twenty who are believed to be alive, 26 confirmed dead, and two whose condition cannot be verified—will be released perhaps as early as Saturday or Sunday, but Trump said most likely Monday. The release of the bodies may be delayed as Hamas claimed not to know all their locations and that a search would begin after the ceasefire. Israel and the U.S. have known for months that Hamas was unaware of their whereabouts.

After the Israelis are released, nearly 2,000 Palestinian terrorists will be exchanged within 72 hours. These include 250 of the 303 Palestinian terrorists serving life sentences, and an additional 1,700 detained since the beginning of operations in Gaza, including all women and children. Sources said that terrorists belonging to the Nukhba Force, which led the October 7, 2023, massacre, will not be released. Nor does it appear that Israel will be releasing the so-called “Four Aces”—Marwan Barghouti, Ahmad Sa’adat, Hassan Salameh, or Abbas al-Sayed—four high-profile terrorists Hamas had hoped to free.

Hamas is also seeking guarantees from the mediators that Israel won’t resume the war after it releases the hostages and a timeline for Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza, as opposed to making the pull-out entirely performance-based and under the discretion of various stakeholders. Under the deal, there will be ‘cosmetic changes” to the lines of the interim IDF withdrawal as drawn on a map released by the White House last week, which showed the military deployed in some 57% of the Gaza Strip.

The IDF began its withdrawal from Gaza overnight. Although Israel will remain in control of 53% of the Strip until phase one is complete, one senior IDF source told Yediot Aharonot that the deal will soon put Hamas back in control of Gaza.

“The IDF will continue to control areas like southern Rafah, the outskirts of Beit Hanoun, and the eastern periphery on the cusp of Shuja’iyya and Khan Yunis, but most of the withdrawal will see the IDF leaving most of the territory behind, and Hamas will be able to once again re-organize and grow stronger from the very first second of the ceasefire’s implementation.”

The deal will see the reopening of the Rafah crossing between Gaza and Egypt in both directions.

Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi invited Trump to come to Egypt for a potential signing ceremony. Israeli officials confirmed that President Trump is slated to arrive in Israel on October 12 and will address the Knesset as well as meet with some of the returned hostages. He was also invited to speak at Hostage Square.

“This agreement will bring moments of indescribable relief to the dear families who have not slept for 733 days,” said Israeli President Isaac Herzog. “This agreement offers a chance to mend, to heal, and to open a new horizon of hope for our region.” He added, “It will bring with it difficult and painful moments that are a necessity in the reality we live in.”

Opposition Leader Yair Lapid thanked Trump, saying that Israel was “waiting for our children with bated breath.” Later, the Yesh Atid Party Chairman added that “no one deserves the Nobel Peace Prize more” than Trump, who also has “the eternal gratitude of the people of Israel.”

While there was near-universal praise for Trump and joy over the news of the agreement, one sour note came from Smotritch, who said his party would vote against the deal. He was happy about the hostages’ return. Still, he felt “tremendous fear of the consequences of emptying the prisons and releasing the next generation of terrorist leaders, who will do everything to continue spilling rivers of Jewish blood, God forbid.”

Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas said he hoped that the deal “would be a prelude to reaching a permanent political solution,” leading to the establishment of an independent Palestinian state.

Gazans celebrated, with Hamas officials, predictably declaring victory. For example, Senior Hamas official Izzat al-Risheq said, “The ceasefire is the fruit of the tremendous sacrifices and the legendary patience of our people, as well as the strength and steadfastness of the resistance.”

“There is relief [in the announcement] of a ceasefire agreement, and there is hope for a new future and a life of peace,” Gaza City Mayor Yahya Sarraj told the Times of Israel.

The future of average Gazans was uncertain, given the humanitarian crisis and the devastation of most of the Strip. Many will have no homes to return to. Much will depend on if and when the remaining points of the peace plan relating to governance and reconstruction are implemented.

International opinion was overwhelmingly positive. “The United Nations will support the full implementation of the agreement and will scale up the delivery of sustained and principled humanitarian relief, and we will advance recovery and reconstruction efforts in Gaza,” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said.

Leaders in France, Germany, Britain, Japan, Argentina, Canada, and Australia were among those who spoke out in support of the agreement.

Points unrelated to the hostages, particularly the disarmament of Hamas, remain unresolved and could drag out negotiations to finalize the ceasefire. Secretary of State Marco Rubio also made clear that the mention of Palestinian statehood in the peace plan should not be considered “a realistic thing right now.” He also said, “We are far from establishing a new government in Gaza.”

The Israeli Cabinet approved the “outline” of a deal to release the hostages, without mentioning other aspects of the plan that are more controversial, on October 9, triggering a 72-hour clock for the return of the 48 hostages.

Netanyahu described the moment as a turning point: “We are in the midst of a decisive development. Over the past two years we have fought to achieve the goals of our war, and one of the central goals is the return of the hostages — all of them, the living and the dead. And we are going to do it. We could not have reached this without the extraordinary assistance of President Trump and his team — Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. They worked tirelessly together with Ron [Dermer] and his team, our team. These efforts, together with the courage of our soldiers who entered Gaza, created a combined military and diplomatic pressure that isolated Hamas. I believe these brought us to this point.”

Trump gave his personal assurance that Israel would not be allowed to restart fighting after the first phase of the deal, as it did during the last ceasefire in March. He ordered the deployment of 200 American soldiers to participate in an international monitoring team to ensure compliance by both sides. The team will also include soldiers from Egypt, Qatar, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. No U.S. troops will go into Gaza, and the team will likely be stationed in Egypt because Israel has no relations with Qatar. They will be under the command of Admiral Brad Cooper, the head of the US military’s Central Command. Their mission is to “oversee, observe, make sure there are no violations.”

Netanyahu warned, however, that Israel would return to fighting if Hamas did not disarm and demilitarize entirely. “If this is achieved the easy way, great,” he said. “And if not, it will be achieved the hard way,” he said.

For its part, Hamas was making clear it was not on board with key elements of the plan. Hamas has rejected both the idea of an “international stabilization force” and Trump’s proposed “Board of Peace.” Instead, Hamas has demanded a role in shaping whatever transitional authority emerges—hardly the stance of a group preparing to relinquish power peacefully or voluntarily.

Trump Thanked

As President Trump flew to Israel, the 20 living hostages were released by Hamas after 738 days of captivity on October 13, 2025. Air Force One flew over Tel Aviv beach that had an enormous sign with an outline of Trump’s face and a banner with Jewish stars and the words “Thank You” and “Home.” Signing the Knesset’s guestbook after his arrival, Trump wrote, “This is my great honor — a great and beautiful day, a new beginning.” The president was welcomed as a hero and received a lengthy standing ovation when he arrived at the Knesset. A series of speakers then lavished him with praise. Netanyahu announced that he would nominate Trump to become the first-ever non-Israeli to win the Israel Prize, calling him “the greatest friend that Israel has ever had in the White House.”

Trump’s speech marked a moment of profound joy and relief, celebrating the end of a war and the dramatic return of 20 living hostages and 28 deceased loved ones to their families. Framed as the “historic dawn of a new Middle East,” Trump asserted that the age of terror is over, replaced by an era of peace and hope.

Trump addressing the Knesset

Trump extended special gratitude to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for his “great” partnership and to the Arab and Muslim nations that cooperated to pressure Hamas into freeing the hostages. He also credited Steve Witkoff, Jared Kushner, Marco Rubio, and Pete Hegseth.

Trump spoke about the formation of a “Board of Peace” to coordinate the immense wealth of Arab and Muslim nations in rebuilding Gaza and urged Palestinians to abandon extremism and embrace prosperity. He said he wanted “some other friends” to join the Abraham Accords, cementing a new and lasting partnership for the entire region.

“Against all odds,” he said, “we have done the impossible and brought our hostages home. So now we’re going to forge a future that is worthy of our heritage. We’re going to build a legacy that all the people of this region can be proud of.” He spoke of “new bonds of friendship, cooperation, and commerce” to join Israel with Arab and Muslim countries in the region. “We are going to have hope, harmony, opportunity, and happiness here in the spiritual and geographic center of the entire world,” he added.

“Israel, America, and all of the nations of the Middle East,” he concluded, “will soon be safer, stronger, greater, and more prosperous than ever before.”

President Isaac Herzog announced after meeting the president that he would award Trump with the Presidential Medal of Honor – Israel’s highest civilian honor – in the coming months. “It was a great honor being with you, and I very much appreciate the Presidential Medal of Honor,” Trump said.

Trump flew from Israel to Sharm el-Sheik in Egypt for a summit co-chaired by Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sissi to discuss the future of Gaza. Trump said the leaders of 59 countries participated in a meeting that mostly consisted of Trump rambling in front of the cameras and praising those who showed up. The principal mediators, the U.S., Egypt, Qatar, and Turkey, signed a document that Trump said would be “very comprehensive”  and “spell out a lot of rules and regulations and lots of other things.” Instead, it was a vague set of principles, like the “determination to dismantle extremism and radicalization,” committing “to the resolution of future disputes through diplomatic engagement,” and seeking “tolerance, dignity, and equal opportunity for every person.”

Before the summit, Hamas, Palestine Islamic Jihad, and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine issued a joint statement rejecting any “foreign guardianship” over Gaza while welcoming Arab and international participation in the reconstruction of the enclave.

This seemed to contradict Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty’s announcement that a 15-member committee of Palestinian technocrats had been selected and secretly vetted by Israel to govern post-war Gaza. This committee, whose members remain undisclosed, is intended to manage the daily affairs of Gaza's citizens. Abdelatty claimed that all Palestinian factions, including Hamas, approved of this committee. The technocrats will operate under the supervision of the proposed “Board of Peace,” and will be tasked with managing the flow of reconstruction funds. Abdelatty asserted that Hamas agreed to have “no role in the transitional period.”

Hamas Violates the Deal

Almost immediately, the agreement began to break down. Hamas was supposed to deliver the remains of 28 hostages it held, but released only four bodies. Israel had initially said it would not release the Palestinian prisoners before all the hostages, alive and dead, were turned over; however, the prisoners were released shortly after the live hostages reached Israel. Israel responded to the violation of the agreement by halving the number of trucks allowed to bring humanitarian aid into Gaza. Hamas then delivered additional bodies to Israel.

As anger in Israel grew over the failure of Hamas to return all 28 deceased hostages, President Trump acknowledged the joy and anguish felt by Israelis. “ALL TWENTY HOSTAGES ARE BACK AND FEELING AS GOOD AS CAN BE EXPECTED. A big burden has been lifted, but the job IS NOT DONE,” Trump posted. “THE DEAD HAVE NOT BEEN RETURNED, AS PROMISED! Phase Two begins right NOW!!!”

After Hamas delivered the bodies of only nine of the 28 deceased hostages, the administration appeared to side with Hamas and deny Israel’s insistence that the group had violated the agreement. A Trump adviser quoted by the Times of Israel said, “We’ve heard a lot of people saying, ‘Hamas violated the deal, because not all the bodies have been returned.’ The understanding we had with them was we get all the live hostages out, which they did honor that.” They added, “Right now, we have a mechanism in place where we’re working closely with mediators… to do our best to get as many bodies out as possible,” the senior aide added. “We continue to give [the mediators] the intelligence that the Israelis have [on where bodies may be located] and we keep working in good faith until we are able to exhaust that mechanism.”

“It’s a gruesome process… They’re digging and they’re finding a lot of bodies. Then they have to separate the bodies,” Trump said. “Some of those bodies have been in there a long time, and some of them are under rubble. They have to remove rubble,” he continued. “Some are in tunnels… that are way down under the earth.”

Israeli officials, however, insisted that  Hamas is aware of the location of more hostages’ bodies.

According to the New York Times, “Several officials described the cease-fire agreement so far as amounting to a simple trade in which Israel gave away roughly half of Gaza in exchange for its hostages. To get Israel to leave the rest of Gaza’s territory, they said, it will need to give up its arms and let another entity step in to govern the enclave.”

Trouble was also on the horizon as Hamas began to reassert itself openly. The entire agreement was predicated on guaranteeing Israel’s security and called for Hamas to be disarmed. According to the BBC and Palestinian sources, the group recalled about 7,000 fighters and began arresting and executing suspected opponents after the ceasefire began.

On October 14, Trump told reporters, “I spoke with Hamas and said, 'You are going to disarm, right?' ‘Yes, sir. We are going to disarm.’ That’s what they told me.”

“We have told them we want them to disarm, and they will disarm. And if they don’t disarm, we will disarm them, and it’ll happen quickly and perhaps violently, but they will disarm,” Trump said.

He later clarified that Hamas’s pledge to disarm was delivered to him indirectly by “people,” most likely Witkoff and Kushner.

“What’s going on with Hamas – that’ll be straightened out quickly,” the president told CNN the following day. When asked what would happen if Hamas refused to disarm, he said, “Israel will return to those streets as soon as I say the word. If Israel could go in and knock the crap out of them, they’d do that.”

In an admission that would have infuriated Israel’s supporters if it had come from Biden, Trump added in reference to the IDF, “I had to hold them back. I had it out with Bibi.”

One reason the U.S. has leverage over Israel is the amount of military aid it provides to Israel. Together, over the two years of fighting before the ceasefire, the Biden and Trump administrations delivered $21.7 billion in military aid to Israel, according to Quincy Institute Senior Research Fellow William Hartung. The U.S. provided $17.9 billion in the first year of war and $3.8 billion in the second year. The Trump administration accelerated the delivery of military aid to Israel, including lifting a suspension on the delivery of Mark 84 and BLU-109 2000-pound bombs. It also notified Congress of new sales totaling over $19 billion.

Table of Contents for the Israel-Hamas War
Bibliography and Photo Credits

About Mitchell Bard