Civilians Flee
Egypt Under Pressure to Open Border
Misreporting Israeli Airstrike
Israel Draws Fire for Civilian Deaths
U.S. Pressures Israel to Allow More Aid
Distribution Issues
Escape is Possible for a Price
Flooding Gaza with Aid
What Famine?
U.S. Threats Over Aid
Putting Americans in Charge
U.S. Backs Down on Weapons Cut
Trump Surprises Israel
A New Aid Plan
Fights Over Aid
The Chaos of Aid Distribution
Gaza City Residents Displaced
Trump Peace Plan Takes Effect
A Scandal and Disappearing Famine
U.S. Sanctions Hamas Charities

Hamas did not warn Palestinians in Gaza of its intention to attack Israel on October 7, 2023. Knowing Israel would retaliate, Palestinians were used as shields. Hamas guaranteed civilians would be killed by firing rockets from civilian areas and hiding among them.

As Israel launched airstrikes against Hamas targets in Gaza, warnings were issued for civilians to evacuate the targeted areas. Despite the risk of giving terrorists the chance to flee, a forewarning is also given before bombing buildings where non-combatants live. Palestinians also receive phone messages. The IDF’s Arab-language channels shared videos on social media, providing Gazans with instructions on where to go for safety.

Within the first few days of the war, nearly 200,000 Gazans had fled. As in the past, many civilians found shelter in UNRWA schools.

Israel dropped leaflets on October 13, telling all civilians to move south, but Hamas told them to stay in their homes. Many still tried to reach the southern border with Egypt. Still, the crossing was closed by the Egyptians, who did not want to be responsible for hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees and the possibility of Hamas infiltrators who are affiliated with the regime’s greatest enemy – the Muslim Brotherhood.

Israel cut off food, fuel, electricity, and water as part of its siege. Under pressure from the U.S., however, Israel agreed on October 16 to allow trucks carrying water and medicine to enter Gaza through Egypt. The decision to prohibit fuel prevented Hamas from reallocating it from humanitarian purposes to operating generators within its tunnels.

Egypt Under Pressure to Open Border

The United States was reportedly working with Qatar to convince the Egyptians to open the border, but seemed primarily concerned with providing passage to the 500-600 American passport holders who were advised to move toward the Rafah border crossing. Egypt did not open the crossing; instead, it placed concrete slabs to block it.

Alqahera News reported on October 14, quoting Egyptian sources, “Egyptian authorities have rejected the idea of using the Rafah crossing only for foreigners. They added, ‘The Egyptian position is clear,’ and that it requires the facilitation of the entry and passage of aid to the Gaza Strip.”

Meanwhile, Israel continued to launch waves of airstrikes in what was expected to be the prelude to a ground operation.

Egypt continued to be pressured to open the crossing, allowing Gazans to leave and supplies to come in.

As in past conflicts in Gaza, the media narrative began to shift from focusing on the murder of Israelis to the conditions in Gaza. After Israel announced that civilians in the north would have 24 hours to move south of Gaza City, reports highlighted the difficulty of more than one million people moving in such a short period. Hospitals, in particular, were said to have no way to transport patients. The commentary neglected to mention that the distance to safety was usually less than 5 miles.

The 24-hour deadline allowed civilians to leave the area before an expected ground operation. Israel let the deadline slip when it became clear the area would not be cleared in time.

As images of wounded and dead Palestinians began to increase, U.S. officials increasingly emphasized that while Israel had the right to defend itself, the IDF must adhere to the laws of war.

Despite repeated airstrikes by Israel, Hamas managed to continue launching rockets, setting off alerts in Tel Aviv, where Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken were forced to take shelter, and in Jerusalem during a Knesset session. The communities near the Gaza border that had been attacked were evacuated.

Israel was attracting more criticism over its airstrikes in what appeared to be civilian areas. “You may have seen footage on TV or on social media, and you may see a building standing and then flashes,, and then the building collapses, and you say to yourself, well, that looks very much like a civilian building,” explained IDF Spokesperson Lt. Col. Jonathan Conricus. “What I want to tell you is that, no, that isn’t a civilian building. It is a legitimate military target. And why is that? Because Hamas uses all, locates all of their offices, headquarters, their research and development and all of their other military assets, If it’s above ground, they locate themselves in civilian buildings.”

Misreporting Israeli Airstrike

On October 17, the Al-Ahli Hospital was reportedly hit by a rocket. Hamas and the media immediately blamed Israel. Riots broke out in Ramallah and other parts of the region. The IDF was slow to respond because it wanted to be sure it had the correct information on the cause of the blast. While waiting for the IDF, the media showed gruesome pictures from the hospital and repeated Hamas propaganda that more than 400 people were killed, which inflamed the situation.

The IDF later announced that it had determined the hospital had been hit by a rocket launched by Palestinian Islamic Jihad that had misfired. The IDF also released a video of the rocket failure and a recording it intercepted that indicated Hamas knew PIJ was responsible. The number of casualties was also believed to be between 100 and 300.

While the media throughout the conflict has unquestioningly accepted Hamas’s claims and statistics provided by its Health Ministry, journalists doubted the veracity of Israel’s explanation. When he arrived in Israel the following day, after receiving U.S. and Israeli intelligence, President Biden exonerated Israel, saying, “I’m deeply saddened and outraged by the explosion at the hospital in Gaza yesterday, and based on what I’ve seen, it appears as though it was done by the other team, not you.”

Canadian and French intelligence concurred.

It was not until November 26 that Human Rights Watch admitted Israel was not responsible: “The explosion that killed and injured many civilians at Al-Ahli Arab Hospital in Gaza on October 17, 2023, resulted from an apparent rocket-propelled munition, such as those commonly used by Palestinian armed groups, that hit the hospital grounds.” Also, contrary to initial reports that said the hospital was it, HRW said the unidentified munition “hit a paved area inside the hospital compound, between a parking lot and a landscaped area.”

After almost two weeks of resistance, Egypt announced on October 19 that it would allow humanitarian aid to enter Gaza through the Rafah border crossing, but it did not. More than 100 trucks carrying supplies were held up at the border, waiting for the border to open. The decision came after pressure from the United States. Though he had refused to meet with Biden after his visit to Israel, the president did speak by phone to President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi about opening the crossing from his plane.

While the opening had been a request of the international community and agreed to by the Israeli government, it upset the families of Israeli hostages. “The decision to allow humanitarian aid to the murderers of Gaza has caused great anger among the family members,” the Bring Them Home Now organization said in a statement. “We remind you that children, babies, women, soldiers, men and the elderly—some of whom have serious health issues, are wounded … are being held underground like animals without any human conditions, and the government of Israel is treating the murderers to baklava and medicine.”

The Rafah crossing finally opened on October 21, and 35 trucks carrying humanitarian aid entered the Gaza Strip.

The same day, an international summit on the war opened in Cairo. It was attended by Jordan’s King Abdullah, Egyptian President Al-Sisi, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, British Foreign Minister James Cleverly, and UN Secretary-General Guterres. The summit focused on the humanitarian crisis, the release of hostages, the need for regional stability, and for Israel to respect international law in its military response. It concluded without agreement on a joint statement.

The British Prime Minister later agreed to provide 20 million pounds ($24.4 million) of humanitarian support for Gaza.

Israel continued to warn civilians to move south and to evacuate areas targeted by its troops. Hamas, however, blocked access roads and shot at people to prevent them from leaving.

Israel Draws Fire for Civilian Deaths

Despite its efforts, Israel was bombarded with international criticism and was blamed for the plight of civilians. Under pressure from the United States, Israel reopened pipes to supply water to the Strip and restored communication and the Internet after shutting it down for a day. “We made it clear they had to be turned back on,” a U.S. official told the Washington Post. “The communications are back on. They need to stay back on.”

Meanwhile, Hamas has plenty of supplies and no intention of sharing them with the population. Officials told the New York Times that Hamas has hundreds of gallons of fuel and stockpiles of food, water, and medicine to allow the terrorists to fight for three to four months. Israel reported Hamas has more than 200,000 gallons of fuel for rockets and generators to provide air and electricity to its tunnels. The IDF also released a recording of the commander of the West Jabaliya Brigade of Hamas speaking to the head of the Indonesian Hospital in Gaza and another Gazan, which revealed how fuel from hospitals is stolen.

Foreign nationals also remain trapped in Gaza. Among them are an estimated 200 British citizens and 600 Americans. American officials said that Israel and Egypt were prepared to let foreigners leave, but Hamas has now turned them into additional hostages.

Humanitarian aid was ramping up by the end of October. U.S. officials said 45 trucks had entered on the 29th, and the goal was to increase that to 100 per day. Israel said its security forces check all food and medicine deliveries before they enter. “All of the deliveries are designated for the civilian population—if it comes to light that they are being taken by Hamas, they will stop,” the Prime Minister’s office said.

The Times of Israel said it was told, “The trucks first enter Egypt where they undergo an initial round of inspections. Th y then are driven into Israel through the Nitzana crossing, where they are inspected by Israel’s Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT) military liaison before being sent back to Egypt and driven into Gaza through the Rafah crossing.”

Inspectors found that one aid truck had oxygen concentrators for aerating Hamas tunnels hidden among boxes of cookies. That truck was prevented from entering Gaza.

On the 31st, Egypt finally consented to allow 81 wounded Gazans to enter Egypt for treatment. Some foreign nationals were also allowed through Rafah on November 1. In the following days, the numbers increased.

Israel agreed to open a corridor for three hours on November 4 to allow civilians to move from the north of Gaza to the safe zone in the south. Hamas fired mortars toward the road to interfere with the evacuation. Operations were suspended for several hours on the following days to facilitate the migration.

Click on the photo to enlarge

In one of the many messages sent to Gazans, the IDF said (translated from Arabic):

O residents of Gaza, join the many who are heading to the south of Wadi Gaza at this hour!

I would like to inform you that although Hamas continues to undermine the ongoing humanitarian efforts on your behalf and uses you as human shields, today the IDF will once again allow passage on the Salah al-Din Road between 10:00 AM and 14:00 PM. For your safety, take this next opportunity to move south beyond Wadi Gaza.

Many of you are doing this at this hour, as you can see in the attached photos that were taken a short while ago.

If you care about yourself and your loved ones, head south according to our instructions. Rest assured that Hamas leaders have already taken care of defending themselves.

As the conditions for civilians in Gaza continued to deteriorate, international calls for a ceasefire were growing. On November 9, French President Macron said, “We need a very rapid humanitarian pause, and we must work toward a ceasefire.”

IDF directions for Gazans to move south

The IDF said on November 10 that it killed a Hamas terrorist who held thousands of Gazans hostage in the Rantisi Hospital, preventing their evacuation southwards.

After weeks of refusing to allow fuel into Gaza, Israel consented on November 15 to permit 23,000 liters to be transferred for UNRWA. Despite the objections of hostage families and some members of his coalition, Netanyahu agreed to allow fuel trucks to enter Gaza daily for UN use.

The IDF assisted in the evacuation of newborn babies from the Shifa Hospital who were to be transferred to Egypt for medical treatment.

UNRWA said on November 20 that approximately 1.7 million Gazans had been displaced.

As per the agreement for freeing hostages, Israel allowed a convoy of trucks into Gaza after the ceasefire went into effect on November 24. Israel agreed to allow at least 200 trucks of humanitarian aid for every day the truce held. Still, Biden administration officials told the Times of Israel that the number would unlikely be reached because the IDF lacked the necessary delivery capacity. To compensate, Israel was being pressured to open a second crossing into Gaza. Biden proved wrong, and the required aid was delivered.

While stories had circulated that Gaza’s waste treatment had failed, a Haaretz reporter verified it was working.

U.S. Pressures Israel to Allow More Aid

As Israel pressed its campaign into the south, civilians were given instructions to move to safe areas. The United States continued to put pressure on the Israeli government to avoid civilian casualties and allow more aid into the Strip. Despite reports of hoarding and stealing of supplies, Israel complied. This included an agreement to provide daily deliveries of fuel, which Israel has resisted because it believes Hamas prevents it from reaching its intended destinations. Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer told the cabinet that increasing fuel supplies was “critical” to ensure the administration’s continued support from Washington.

The Biden administration also wanted Israel to open the Kerem Shalom crossing for screening humanitarian supplies to speed up their delivery. On December 8, Israel agreed to do so.

The crisis could be alleviated by allowing Gazans into Egypt, where there would be no restrictions on humanitarian assistance. Egypt warned the U.S. and Israel that it would not allow refugees into the Sinai Peninsula and said that its relationship with Israel would “rupture.”

Meanwhile, Gazans continued to tell Israeli investigators about Hamas interference in aid distribution. “I work at the American organization called WKSA [The American World Kitchen], when I was preparing a dish, some of [Hamas] came. They tried to steal food from me but I prevented them. They steal from the warehouses of UNRWA,” one civilian stated.

As of January 1, 2024, some 300 American citizens were believed to be trapped inside Gaza. A U.S. official confirmed on January 3 that a secret operation involving Israel and others rescued the mother and American uncle of a U.S. service member who had been pinned down in a building surrounded by combatants.

Under continued U.S. pressure, Israel agreed to allow more aid deliveries. By mid-January, Israel was promising to allow 400 trucks carrying supplies to enter Gaza daily.

Israel also continued to issue warnings to civilians, advising them to leave areas the IDF planned to strike. In the first 100 days of the war, the IDF made some 79,000 phone calls, dropped 7.2 million leaflets, and sent 13.7 million texts and 15 million recorded calls to encourage Gazans to evacuate danger zones.

Meanwhile, speaking at a conference of Islamic scholars, Hamas political bureau chief Ismail Haniyeh said in a speech, “There is verbal jihad, which is jihad by the tongue, but indeed, the time has come for jihad of the swords. This is the battle for Jerusalem and the al-Aqsa Mosque, and not the battle of the Palestinian people, or Gaza, or the people in Gaza.” He called for donations to support the cause, which he referred to as “financial jihad.”

Israel continued to report that Hamas was stealing aid. The IDF also targeted stolen aid trucks that Hamas uses as transportation for terrorists and ammunition.

On February 10, 2024, the IDF also discovered a tunnel underneath UNRWA headquarters that had a data center linked to the building’s electricity. The IDF also recovered documents indicating that a Palestinian journalist working for Al Jazeera was a Hamas commander in its anti-tank missile unit.

While the Biden administration and international community were railing against Israel for impeding the supply of aid to Gazans, the Israelis noted that the UN was holding up trucks and that hundreds were waiting to be unloaded.

This is the content of 500 trucks of humanitarian aid on the Gazan side of Kerem Shalom,
after Israeli inspection, waiting to be picked up and distributed by UN organizations.

Israel continued to attract criticism for operating in Gaza hospitals. The Western media continuously interviewed medical and aid workers who would not admit that terrorists were in the hospital, even as the press reported firefights.

The Israeli press, by contrast, covered the fighting in the hospitals and the discoveries of tunnels and weapons inside them. In mid-February, for example, the Jerusalem Post reported that Israeli forces found weapons, a vehicle stolen from Kibbutz Nir Oz that was used during the 10/7 massacre, and terrorists posing as medical staff inside the Nasser Hospital. They also found boxes of medication that were meant for hostages that were unopened and had the names of those they were intended for written on the boxes. The IDF believed some hostages were held in the hospital and were searching for bodies. Before entering the hospital, the IDF had warned the staff of its intention to move in but did not force them or the patients to evacuate.

Medication for hostages found in Nasser Hospital

Distribution Issues

While international aid representatives have repeatedly told the media about shortages of supplies and people starving, sufficient aid is being transferred to Gaza, but it is not being distributed. In addition to Hamas stealing supplies, desperate Gazans have also taken to ambushing aid trucks and pilfering supplies. The New York Times reported that foreign diplomats said enough food was being supplied to prevent a famine, but it was not reaching the needy.

After a month’s delay, Israel agreed to allow the World Food Program to deliver a shipment of flour from the U.S., enough to feed 1.5 million people for 5 months. The transfer had been blocked because UNRWA had opposed its distribution.

During the war, Israel discovered tunnels under UNRWA facilities, weapons in or near them, 30 UNRWA employees who participated in the 10/7 massacre, 440 were active in Hamas’s military wing, 2,000 others were operatives but not part of the military wing, and 7,000 had a first-degree relative in Hamas. Defenders of the agency dismissed early reports of a handful of Hamas members among the staff as a few bad apples out of a staff of 12,000. The analysis by Israeli intelligence, however, suggested that roughly 9,500 (80%) have a Hamas connection.

Hamas has interfered with the distribution and stolen some of the incoming aid. Some is resold on the black market. Consequently, much of the assistance was not reaching the public. Complicating the situation was the Hamas-run police force that was involved in supervising aid delivery. Because of their membership in Hamas, Israel did not treat them as civilians. The administration nevertheless asked Israel to stop targeting them.

While the UN and others were claiming Gazans were starving, celebrity chef José Andrés said his World Central Kitchen had served more than 32 million meals in Gaza, about 350,000 each day. The organization set up 65 kitchens in Gaza and planned to add at least 35 more, aiming to provide more than a million meals per day if additional aid were to flow into Gaza.

After Israel opened the Kerem Shalom crossing, some Israelis began protesting and, for several days, blocked aid trucks from passing through the checkpoint. After the Biden administration demanded that the government ensure the safe passage of the aid, Israel declared the area near the crossing a closed military zone to keep protestors out. The protests then moved to other areas, including the port of Ashdod, where aid was being brought in by sea.

Due to the difficulty of getting aid to the areas where it was needed, Jordan, Egypt, the UAE, Qatar, and France airdropped supplies in various parts of the Gaza Strip. Some drops went awry, some falling in Israel and others landing in the sea. Gazans also stole supplies when they fell, hindering their distribution. In one case, five Gazans were killed by an airdrop. Still, this delivery method was being accelerated, and the United States also began airdrops. An initial report said a U.S. airdrop had killed the civilians, but the Pentagon denied it.

Biden reacted to the deteriorating conditions in Gaza for civilians. “In addition to expanding deliveries by land, as I said, we’re going to insist that Israel facilitate more trucks and more routes to get more and more people the help they need. No excuses.”

“Aid flowing to Gaza is nowhere near enough… Innocent lives are on the line and children’s lives are on the line,” Biden continued. “We should be getting hundreds of trucks in, not just several. And I won’t stand by, we won’t let up and we’re… trying to pull out every stop we can to get more assistance in.”

The lack of a distribution system, the desperation of Gazans, and the lack of protection for aid convoys led to a tragedy when Palestinians tried to loot supplies from trucks carrying food. The IDF said that Palestinian gunmen fired at the trucks, and panicked Gazans began to run. Some were trampled, others run over by the trucks as the drivers sped off. Some Palestinians ran toward Israeli troops who first fired warning shots, then targeted their legs before shooting some of those who did not stop. The Hamas-run Health Ministry claimed 118 people were killed and 700 wounded.

The IDF said it would explore new delivery options in the wake of the disaster. The problem is especially acute in the north, where trucks are looted before reaching the area.

Journalist Barak Ravid reported that the aid convoy disaster was a turning point for the administration. “U.S. officials saw it as an event that embodied all the Israeli policy failures in Gaza and were surprised about the indifference on the Israeli side about what happened,” according to Ravid.

Vice President Kamala Harris, National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, and Blinken were all critical of the Israeli government and stressed the need for Israel to be more cooperative in allowing humanitarian aid into Gaza in meetings with Israeli Minister Benny Gantz in Washington. Gantz, a rival of the prime minister, also infuriated Netanyahu by making the trip without his authorization.

Separately, Harris said during a speech unrelated to the Middle East that “people in Gaza are starving” and called for “an immediate ceasefire” of at least six weeks as part of a hostage deal between Israel and Hamas. She also said, “What we are seeing every day in Gaza is devastating. We have seen reports of families eating leaves and animal feed, children dying from malnutrition and dehydration. Too many innocent Palestinians have been killed.” Echoing the president, she added, “No excuses. They must open new border crossings and not impose any unnecessary restrictions on the delivery of aid. They must ensure humanitarian convoys are not targeted and restore basic services and order in Gaza so more food, water and fuel can reach those in need.”

At the beginning of March, Israel sent 50 incubators to hospitals in Gaza.

President Biden also announced plans to build a temporary pier off the coast of the Gaza Strip for cargo ships to unload food, water, and other emergency supplies. It was expected to take 1,000 U.S. soldiers two months to construct the pier. Biden said that no American troops would be stationed in Gaza. Israel said it would ensure the goods’ security upon arrival.

Israel also hoped that leaders of clans in Gaza would help in the distribution of aid and, when the war ends, assume authority in the Strip. Hamas sent a message to discourage Gazans from cooperating when it executed a clan leader in mid-March, whom it believed had been contacted by Israel.

Escape is Possible for a Price

The humanitarian crisis could be resolved immediately if Egypt opened the border. Refugee camps could be set up for refugees, and no impediments would prevent them from receiving the necessary aid. They could also go to other countries; however, even as the world criticized Israel and demanded that the Gazans receive more aid, not a single nation offered to take them in. Rather than pressure the Egyptians, early in the war, the United States decided civilians should remain in Gaza, partly because of Palestinian fears they would not be allowed to return. Israel never said this; nevertheless, Biden and El-Sisi agreed on October 29, 2023, to ensure that “Palestinians in Gaza are not displaced to Egypt or any other nation.”

Consequently, Palestinians who could afford it paid up to $10,000 to brokers with alleged ties to the Egyptian intelligence services to escape Gaza. Money was reportedly not an impediment to terrorists and their families. Among those who found a way into Egypt were the nephews and nieces of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, as well as the children of his sister.

Flooding Gaza with Aid

Even as Israel insisted it was not limiting the amount of aid that could enter Gaza, it continued to be blamed for the shortage of food and supplies. The IDF announced on March 13, 2023, it planned to “flood” Gaza with aid by opening up additional land, sea, and air routes. The IDF, for example, built a road to allow trucks to deliver supplies, facilitated air drops, and agreed to secure the route for supplies transported to the pier that the United States planned to build.

Increasingly, the problem was not the amount of assistance being allowed into Gaza but the inability of aid organizations to deliver it where it was most needed. After Israel opened a new crossing, for example, a convoy of trucks was immediately looted.

In a catastrophic error, the IDF killed seven World Central Kitchen workers in an airstrike on April 1. Ships carrying 240 tons of supplies returned to Cyprus without delivering their cargo to Gaza. Other humanitarian aid organizations suspended operations in Gaza because of the danger.

An IDF investigation found that the targets were misidentified. Netanyahu expressed regret at the tragedy, but the incident amplified concerns about the safety of aid workers.

Several of Israel’s allies, including the United States, condemned Israel for the attack that resulted in the death of seven aid workers. President Biden declared, “Israel has not done enough to protect aid workers trying to deliver desperately needed help to civilians.” He said he was “outraged and heartbroken” by the incident. “Incidents like yesterday’s simply should not happen,” he added. “The United States has repeatedly urged Israel to deconflict their military operations against Hamas with humanitarian operations, in order to avoid civilian casualties.”

Aid trucks waiting for distribution (April 17, 2024)

Following the president’s criticism, Israel agreed to allow more aid to be transferred through the port of Ashdod. The Erez Crossing, which Hamas attacked on October 7, was also going to reopen to facilitate more aid deliveries.

“There is no food shortage in Gaza, and there never was,” an Israeli official insisted. “The stores are full, the markets are bursting with goods, fruits, vegetables, shawarma, pitas – there is everything. Do you know why they no longer loot convoys? Because there is no shortage. The quantities entering are not normal.”

Hundreds of aid trucks are entering Gaza each day, but many are held up, Israel says, by the inefficiency of the UN and UNRWA, which are failing to make deliveries. On April 17, for example, a video showed 750 trucks waiting on the Gaza side of the Kerem Shalom crossing.

President Biden promised significantly more aid after signing a foreign aid bill that included $1 billion in humanitarian assistance. He said the money would be used for food, medical supplies, and clean water.

Even as various UN and aid organizations reported an impending famine, other sources indicated that, at least in some places, food and other supplies were readily available. An April 19, 2024, report by the Hezbollah TV station Al-Manar, for example, featured an interview with a man from the Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza, where the food shortage was supposed to be most critical, who said, “All food supplies are in the market now. What is missing now is cash and cooking gas.” A second man told the interviewer, “Allah be praised. In the past week or two, the situation has greatly changed. At first, there was nothing. There was real hunger. Today, there are vegetables. There are canned goods. Things have improved greatly, and we hope they progress from good to better.”

Construction of the floating pier (April 29, 2024)

In late April, the United States began building the pier, which was estimated to cost $320 million, to bring aid to Gaza by sea. On April 24, UN officials working on the project came under fire. Hamas did not take credit for the attack but said it would resist any foreign military presence involved with the port project. Israel told the U.S. it would secure the pier, but Hamas said it would consider Israeli troops “an occupying force and aggression.”

Armed groups, likely affiliated with Hamas, robbed several branches of the Bank of Palestine in Gaza in mid-April, making off with a total of around $70 million.

On May 8, an American-flagged ship arrived in Cyprus to pick up the first supplies to be delivered using the pier. Hamas fired mortar shells in two separate attacks at the area of the pier.

Meanwhile, the provision of aid was complicated after Israeli troops seized the main border crossing at Rafah. Israel wanted to continue to allow aid to enter through the crossing, but Egypt refused to cooperate because of its anger over Israel’s moving into Rafah. The U.S. blamed Israel for blocking shipments. After U.S. pressure, Israel reopened the crossing at Kerem Shalom even though it had come under rocket attacks from Hamas.

Some 300,000 Palestinians evacuated the Rafah area, moving to a designated “humanitarian zone” after Israeli warnings of forthcoming military activity.

After airdrops killed two Palestinians, Hamas called for an end to the practice being used by the U.S., Britain, Jordan, and France. That brought the total to 21 people killed by errant airdrops.

Israeli troops advanced in Rafah as nearly one million Palestinians left. Egypt continued to hold up aid. The first supplies entered Israel via the pier; however, Palestinians overwhelmed and looted supply trucks, leading to a suspension of deliveries while security was worked out to protect them.

Completed Pier

The pier was operational for less than two weeks before a storm washed away parts of it. It took two weeks and $22 million to repair and only returned to service on June 8. A day later, distribution of aid was paused by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) after two of its warehouses were hit by rockets. On June 14, CENTCOM announced, “due to expected high seas, the temporary pier will be removed from its anchored position in Gaza and towed back to Ashdod, Israel. The safety of our service members is a top priority and temporarily relocating the pier will prevent structural damage caused by the heightened sea state.”

A few days later, the New York Times reported that the pier had failed to achieve its objective of surging aid into Gaza and would likely end operations sooner than planned.

In addition to the pier’s stability, theft also hampered aid delivery. In one instance, 11 trucks bringing supplies to the World Food Program warehouse “were cleaned out by Palestinians.” Israel’s Channel 12 reported that Hamas had profited since the war’s onset by at least $500 million from stealing aid, a staggering figure that underscored the scale of the problem.

Israelis also attacked aid convoys outside of Gaza. A group called Tzav 9 organized groups to block aid shipments from entering Gaza, taking the position that the aid ends up in the hands of Hamas and that Gazans should not receive assistance until the hostages are released. A poll found that two-thirds of Jewish Israelis oppose providing humanitarian assistance to Gaza.

The Biden administration expressed frustration with the interference and expected Israel to ensure the aid was delivered. Police were sent to protect some shipments, but Tzav 9 moved to other entry points and disrupted some of them. After one shipment was vandalized, some Israelis began to mobilize to protect the deliveries. Nevertheless, the administration was furious and imposed sanctions on Tzav 9, which it labeled as a “violent extremist” group.

After a call from Biden to el-Sissi, Egypt agreed to allow aid deliveries to resume via Israel’s Kerem Shalom crossing until legal mechanisms were in place to reopen the Rafah gateway. To avoid criticism for collaborating with Israel’s Rafah offensive, el-Sissi solicited a statement of support from the Palestinian Authority.

What Famine?

After months of UN and aid officials claiming there was a famine in Gaza, several reports were released saying it was not true, including one from the UN itself. The UN’s Famine Review Committee published a report on June 4 that revealed a lack of “supporting evidence” to confirm a famine in the northern Gaza Strip definitively. The same committee, affiliated with the UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization, issued a second report on June 25, which reached a similar conclusion. It stated that previous projections regarding the amount of food entering Gaza were incorrect and that the supply had increased rather than decreased. “In this context, the available evidence does not indicate that famine is currently occurring,” the report said.

A study by seven Israeli health experts concluded in May 2024: “The quantity and quality of food delivered to Gaza have steadily improved and diversified since January 2024. The food supply contains sufficient energy and protein for the population’s needs.”

Similarly, Columbia University Professors Awi Federgruen and Ran Kivetz reported in mid-June “that sufficient amounts of food are being supplied into Gaza.” Based on their analysis, they found “a totally different picture from what the ICC [International Criminal Court] and UN are trying to paint, and directly refute the baseless claims that Israel is causing a famine or using starvation as a method of war.”

As Zivka Klein noted in the Jerusalem Post, “While it’s not accurate to say there is a famine in Gaza, there are indeed hungry individuals struggling because they can’t afford food. Even if Gaza were to be inundated with food supplies, hunger would persist because the issue at its core is not about availability but access and affordability.” One former senior Israeli defense official told him, “There is no food shortage in Gaza; there are those who are hungry since Hamas has taken all of the food and they don’t have enough money to pay Hamas on the black market.”

On June 27, Israel agreed to the evacuation to Egypt through the Kerem Shalom crossing of 68 Gazans needing medical care.

The UN and other aid agencies continued to blame Israel for a lack of supplies, even as trucks were lined up to make deliveries and left for days. The UN said it couldn’t provide aid without protection for humanitarian workers.

Meanwhile, the U.S. pier was dismantled again due to the high seas, and the project had clearly failed. It had cost hundreds of millions of dollars and delivered a fraction of the aid it was expected to provide. During a press conference, President Biden acknowledged his disappointment with the project. “I was hopeful that would be more successful.” Several weeks later, a report from USAID’s inspector general said warnings had been issued, saying that rough seas would create problems and that the pier undermined the efforts to open more land crossings. Months later, it was learned that over 60 U.S. military personnel were injured during the construction and deployment of the pier.

On July 1, Israel announced it was boosting electricity to a Gaza desalination plant to increase the amount of drinking water for the Palestinians in the humanitarian zone.

Israel continued a daily “tactical pause of military activity” between 8:00 and 19:00 each day along the road from the Kerem Shalom Crossing to the Salah al-Din Road and northwards in Gaza to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid. Trucks carrying aid, however, remained stuck at the entry points to Gaza because the UN and aid organizations were unable to distribute it. As of July 8, 1,150 trucks were waiting at the Kerem Shalom crossing.

To further facilitate aid delivery, Israel agreed to allow the UN to use armored vehicles and personal protection equipment to enhance its security.

Defense Minister Yoav Gallant announced that Israel would build a field hospital in Israel to treat sick children from Gaza, but he was overruled by Netanyahu for political reasons, no doubt to avoid angering the far-right ministers in his coalition who oppose most assistance to the Palestinians.

In July, Israel said it would provide aid to help Gazans repair the sanitation system. “Most Gazan residents, about 1.9 million people, live in the coastal areas of the Tel al-Sultan neighborhood of Rafah and Deir al-Balah,” security officials said. “Epidemics could easily break out there due to poor sanitation. There were places where sewage puddles were dried up and discharged to the sea, but this is a health hazard for us as well. The Khan Younis municipality has already started to dump sewage into the sea, which may lead to the closure of Zikim and Ashkelon beaches. It is a miracle that no diseases have spread there. There are piles of garbage next to running water, and we will take care of this issue.”

Ynet reported that Israel was allowing Gaza’s private sector to directly purchase items such as fruits, vegetables, gas, and fuel from Israeli businesses. This move aimed to bypass aid agencies that have been slow to make deliveries, as well as to avoid looters and prevent Hamas from hijacking the deliveries. COGAT also testified before Israel’s Supreme Court on July 21, 2024, that aid organizations had failed to collect and distribute 35% of the aid brought into Gaza by Israel in June.

Israel also said it would establish a dedicated facility in Ashdod to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid and replace the pier that the U.S. dismantled.

Israel also reportedly reached an agreement with the UAE and the World Health Organisation to facilitate the evacuation of 250 sick and wounded Gazans for medical treatment in the Emirates.

On August 6, 2024, Israeli President Isaac Herzog announced that three new field hospitals are being constructed in Gaza in addition to the existing 11. He emphasized that while Hamas has misused existing hospitals for terror activities, Israel, alongside international NGOs, is making significant efforts to aid Gaza civilians. Herzog reaffirmed Israel’s commitment to international humanitarian law, the fight against terror, and the release of hostages held by Hamas.

The poliovirus was detected in environmental samples collected from sewage in Khan Yunis and Deir al-Balah in July. An unvaccinated baby reportedly contracted the virus, the first such case in 25 years in Gaza. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), about 90% of Gaza’s population was vaccinated against polio in the first quarter of 2024, creating a significant barrier to an outbreak. The IDF’s COGAT unit has played a critical role in managing the situation. They have coordinated the entry of over 282,000 vials of the polio vaccine, providing nearly 2.8 million doses. In response to the virus detection, an additional 9,000 vials were brought in through the Kerem Shalom crossing, bringing the total to 90,000 doses. Israel also agreed to temporarily pause some military operations to facilitate a polio vaccination campaign. On September 3, the WHO said the campaign to vaccinate 640,000 children in Gaza against polio had been more successful than expected. By the 16th, UNRWA noted 90% of the children had been vaccinated.

Israel ran into another controversy when troops shot at a United Nations World Food Programme (WFP) humanitarian aid convoy, and the group suspended its operations. Israel said it was the result of a communications issue. “Humanitarian workers are there to help innocent civilians, and Israel must ensure they are protected,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller wrote on X.

In another incident, the IDF killed a group of terrorists who had hijacked a convoy of aid trucks from the American Near East Refugee Aid (ANERA) organization in southern Rafah. COGAT reported that ANERA “confirmed that all the members of the organization who were part of the convoy, and the humanitarian aid, were safe and sound and reached their destination safely.”

In light of Hamas stealing aid, Netanyahu was reconsidering the original idea of laying siege to Gaza by telling residents in the north to evacuate and preventing any food or supplies from entering the area. Retired Maj. Gen. Giora Eiland told the Times of Israel that Israel had to “change the reality” on the ground in Gaza and should “tell the residents of north Gaza that they have one week to evacuate the territory, which then becomes a military zone in which every figure is a target and, most importantly, no supplies enter this territory.”

Agreeing with Eiland, Likud MK Amit Halevi said, “If he [Sinwar] has food for years and the international pressure is on Israel, why does he need to make a deal?”

U.S. Threats Over Aid

The United States was angered by what it said was a 50% drop in aid deliveries. “We are particularly concerned that recent actions by the Israeli government—including halting commercial imports, denying or impeding nearly 90% of humanitarian movements between northern and southern Gaza in September, continuing burdensome and excessive dual-use restrictions, and instituting new vetting and onerous liability and customs requirements for humanitarian staff and shipments—together with increased lawlessness and looting—are contributing to an accelerated deterioration in the conditions in Gaza,” Secretary of State Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin wrote to Israel Strategic Affairs Minister Dermer.

“To reverse the downward humanitarian trajectory and consistent with its assurances to us, Israel must — starting now and within 30 days — act on the following concrete measures,” the missive said. “Failure to demonstrate a sustained commitment to implementing and maintaining these measures may have implications for U.S. policy under NSM-20 and relevant U.S. law.”

This was a threat to reconsider weapons supplies to Israel while it was under fire from Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis, and anticipating a strike from Iran. This undercut Israel’s strategy of trying to put greater pressure on Hamas by denying it resources that it was stealing from the aid deliveries. The so-called General’s Plan called for the evacuation of civilians and then laying siege to northern Gaza to flush out remaining terrorists. Israel denied it had adopted the plan after coming under intense criticism from the United States.

According to the Times of Israel, which obtained the letter, the U.S. wants Israel to ensure the supply of humanitarian aid increased by the start of winter, enable the delivery of aid through Jordan, and end the “isolation” of northern Gaza. The last point would undermine the strategy recommended by some Israeli officials to enforce a siege on northern Gaza to force civilians to move south and to put more significant pressure on Hamas by cutting off supplies they were stealing for their use and resale. Even the State Department admitted that 50% of the aid entering through the Kerem Shalom crossing had been stolen. This had been further confirmed by UNRWA’s statement on December 1, 2024, stating that aid trucks were stolen by “armed gangs.”

Seth Mandel observed, “Israel isn’t blocking aid. It’s making sure that the people trucking in goods to a warzone are who they say they are and are carrying permitted items... The rule is obviously to prevent anything dangerous from being snuck in with aid convoys and the falsifying of records that would either A) enable Hamas to benefit from extra food that isn’t listed, or B) allow agencies to lie about how much food Israel is letting into the Gaza Strip.” He speculated that the UN objects because it was violating the rules.

Regardless, Israel immediately allowed a resumption of aid deliveries.

Putting Americans in Charge

To finally resolve some of the issues regarding the delivery of aid, Israel and the U.S. reportedly approved a plan involving an American security company staffed by former CIA agents with experience in places like Fallujah, Iraq, and Afghanistan to establish secure zones in Gaza. In the pilot phase, 1,000 American operatives will secure the Al-Atatra neighborhood in Beit Hanoun. Residents could return, rebuild their homes, and restore public infrastructure, including schools, with an investment of $90 million. Details were still being worked out, but the idea was to expand the secure areas if the pilot was successful.

In the meantime, Israel was responding to the U.S. pressure and taking steps to allow more aid into Gaza. The Shin Bet opposed loosening restrictions, believing that aid delivery should be consistent with international law but otherwise limited to induce a hostage deal.

As of October 15, 2024, a total of 1,081,294 tons, equivalent to 54,786 trucks of humanitarian supplies, have been successfully delivered to Gaza since October 7:

837,440 tons of food.
51,610 tons of water.
27,327 tons of medical supplies.
78,725 tons of shelter equipment.
23,790 tons of cooking gas.
29,155,044 liters of fuel.

Another employee of UNRWA was killed on October 23. Muhammad Abu Attawi was a Hamas Nukhba Force commander who led the massacre of 16 Israelis and the kidnapping of four from a roadside bomb shelter near Kibbutz Re’im on October 7.

Israel was criticized yet again for raiding a hospital and detaining dozens of terror suspects. As in other cases, the IDF said Hamas was using the Kamal Adwan Hospital in Jabalia as a command and control base. Patients and staff were evacuated before the operation, which resulted in the death of some 20 terrorists. Other civilians told to evacuate were being prevented from leaving by Hamas, which shot at the legs of some trying to leave shelters near the hospital. More than 50,000 Palestinians left, and the IDF detained 600 identified as terrorists for questioning.

A driver and paramedic who was detained said, “Hamas military operatives are present. They are in the courtyards, at the gates of the buildings, in the offices.” He added, “They operate ambulances to transport their wounded military operatives and to transport them for their missions...This is instead of using the ambulances for the benefit of civilians.”

On October 28, 2024, the Knesset passed two bills, one barring UNRWA from activity within Israel and another banning Israeli authorities from any contact with UNRWA, revoking the 1967 treaty that allows UNRWA to provide services to Palestinian refugees in areas under Israel’s control. UNRWA had long been unpopular in Israel but was seen as “the only game in town,” without which Israel would be forced to take responsibility for Palestinian welfare in the areas under their control. Israel had even opposed U.S. congressional efforts to cut off funding to the agency. That changed with October 7 and the revelations that UNRWA employees were members of Hamas; some participated in the massacre, and many of the organization’s facilities were used directly by Hamas or to conceal its tunnels and command centers.

The international community, including the U.S., had pressured Israel not to adopt the legislation, but it passed with an overwhelming margin. Afterward, UNRWA Commissioner-General Philippe Lazzarini complained it violated international law and was “the latest in the ongoing campaign to discredit UNRWA and delegitimize its role toward providing human-development assistance and services to Palestine refugees.” Others predicted dire consequences for refugees. Secretary of State Blinken said the agency plays “an irreplaceable role right now in Gaza,” having previously warned that outlawing UNRWA could “have implications under U.S. law and U.S. policy.”

Israeli officials said Israel’s National Security Council and COGAT were planning to replace UNRWA’s services. Some Israeli government members wanted the military to take responsibility for distributing the aid, but the IDF rejected the idea. Instead, the American logistics company GDC was chosen as the contractor to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid into Gaza and secure “humanitarian zones.” The company will be responsible for ensuring that terrorists do not steal or interfere with the allocation of assistance.

Company CEO Moti Kahana explained, “First of all, there’s an initial team that comes in with protective gear and non-lethal equipment. The first line is not there to fight. They can deter using rubber bullets, water or warning shots. But if that doesn’t help, the second team will come in. If something happens, we’ll send a message to Gazan residents: you don’t want to mess with us.”

“I promise you that message will get through quickly,” he added. “They’ll understand that a new sheriff is in town. There may be a bit of chaos at first, but they’ll get it soon enough. What’s important is that they will discover there’s food, bakeries and kindergartens in protected neighborhoods. We’re the ones fashioning post-war Gaza.”

On November 6, 2024, Israel and the World Health Organization evacuated 231 Gazans, both patients and their caregivers, to the United Arab Emirates and Romania for medical treatment. COGAT also said that more than 90% of children in Gaza (1.1 million) were vaccinated for polio.

U.S. Backs Down on Weapons Cut

Despite making only limited progress in increasing aid to Gaza, the administration announced on November 12 that it would not cut military assistance to Israel. Two days earlier, the Israeli security cabinet approved measures to increase aid. It rejected the U.S. request that Israel allow the Red Cross to visit Palestinian prisoners. A new aid crossing was opened, and more trucks entered with supplies, but nowhere near the 350 demanded by the U.S. Aid organizations, bitterly complained that Israel had not met its obligations and resurrected claims that Palestinians were starving and conditions were growing more dire. Israel accused the aid organizations of failing to deliver aid. COGAT said, for example, that 900 truckloads of aid are sitting uncollected on the Gaza side of the Kerem Shalom crossing.

“We are not giving Israel a pass,” State Department spokesman Vedant Patel said, even though he acknowledged Israel’s steps had been inadequate. Another spokesman subsequently explained: “We have seen the Government of Israel take additional steps. They voted last week to allow 250 trucks per day in, and in addition, the prime minister instructed the minister of defense to make every effort to get that level of daily truck deliveries up to 350, which is the number that we called for....They now have five crossings open. They reopened a crossing that had been closed. They opened a new crossing - things that we called for. They restarted the Jordan Air Force’s corridor, something that we had called for. They removed 30 items from the dual-use restricted list, something that we had called for...They restored deliveries to the north. They expanded the Mawasi humanitarian zone by 25%, something that we had called for....They are implementing the UN’s plan to prepare for winter, which includes things like repairing roads, facilitating the entry of winter-specific aid, and vaccinations for winter-specific diseases.”

An aerial view of the Al-Mawasi area, where displaced Palestinians live in tents (January 22, 2025)

The election of Donald Trump the week before likely also had an impact, as a cutoff of support for Israel would have upset the president-elect, who said he wanted Israel to finish the job of defeating Hamas before taking office.

One reason for delays in aid deliveries is Israel’s insistence on inspecting convoys. The day before the administration announced it would continue to supply arms to Israel, the IDF discovered ammunition and firearms hidden in a convoy after it was stopped at a checkpoint.

UNRWA persistently claimed Israel was obstructing the delivery of aid, while the Israelis were equally adamant in blaming the aid organizations and complaining that Hamas was stealing supplies. On November 18, UNRWA was forced to admit that it lost 100 of 109 trucks in an aid convoy when they were “violently looted.” As it did throughout the war, UNRWA blamed Israel rather than the looters.

USAID announced on November 15 that it would provide $230 million to “support economic recovery and development programs in the West Bank and Gaza.” This was in addition to the $190 million allocated during the summer. “This significant investment highlights USAID’s commitment to improving the lives of individuals and communities in the region amidst challenging conditions,” the agency stated. This was in addition to the more than $2.1 billion the United States invested in humanitarian assistance since Oct. 7, 2023.

On November 21, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Gallant. The court said, “There are reasonable grounds to believe that the lack of food, water, electricity, and fuel, and specific medical supplies, created conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of the civilian population in Gaza, which resulted in the death of civilians, including children due to malnutrition and dehydration.”

This was the first time the court had taken such action against the leaders of a democratic country. The two men could be subject to arrest in more than 120 countries that accept the ICC’s jurisdiction, including most of Europe but not the United States.

Netanyahu issued a statement that “there is no war more just” than the one it was fighting against Hamas. Referring to the investigation of Khan for sexual harassment, Netanyahu said, “The decision was made by a corrupt chief prosecutor trying to save his skin from serious sexual harassment allegations.”

White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby said America “fundamentally rejects” the Court’s decision. “The United States has been clear that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over this matter.”

On the ground, Israel and the aid organizations blamed each other for the failure to deliver sufficient supplies. UNRWA paused aid shipments at the beginning of December because of the continuing attacks by armed gangs. COGAT responded, “There are dozens of humanitarian organizations operating in the Gaza Strip that continue to take a growing role in delivering humanitarian aid to the people who need it.” It said more than 1,000 trucks distributed aid the previous week.

Relations with the World Central Kitchen deteriorated after it said Israel killed three of its workers in a strike; the IDF insisted it had targeted a WCK member who participated in the October 7 attack and was a Hamas member. Soon after, the WCK announced it had fired 60 workers because they failed an Israeli background check.

In December, USAID-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (FEWS NET) published a report warning that a “famine scenario continues to unfold in North Gaza Governorate.” The media immediately picked up on the accusation, which U.S. Ambassador to Israel Jack Lew said was based on outdated information. “At a time when inaccurate information is causing confusion and accusations, it is irresponsible to issue a report like this,” Lew said. Shortly after, the report was removed from the FEWS NET website.

Subsequently, a study in the Israel Journal of Health Policy Research assessed food deliveries by type, amount, and nutrient composition supplied to Gaza from January to July 2024. It concluded that “except in February, food crossing the borders into Gaza exceeded per capita minimal requirements for humanitarian aid.”

Eyal Ofer, a former government adviser, explained how “Hamas economics” is responsible for shortages of food and the extortion of Gazans. “The wheat is sent into Gaza for free in the form of international aid,” he said. “Hamas took over the bags of wheat and hoarded them in its own warehouses or in UNRWA warehouses, which are de facto run by Hamas.” A 55-pound bag of wheat that cost $14 before the war now costs $30 and, at times, as much as $400.

Israel took measures to prevent Hamas from getting the wheat, so the terrorists took over the bakeries, Ofer noted. “Every bakery in the Gaza Strip produces tens of thousands of bags of pita bread per day,” he said, “and yet the bakery distributes only 300 bags per hour.” The rest is smuggled to Hamas-controlled markets, where a bag of pita that normally costs less than a dollar is sold for around $16.

Hamas has been able to pay regular salaries to its operatives and recruit new ones thanks to the resale of international aid. Given the destitution of most Gazans, young men have an incentive to join Hamas to get paid.

U.S. Middle East Peace Envoy Steven Witkoff stated that rebuilding Gaza could take 10 to 15 years due to the extensive destruction caused during the 15-month war. He visited Gaza to inspect the situation firsthand, describing it as “uninhabitable” with no water, electricity, or standing structures. While aid is entering Gaza and security measures are holding, Witkoff emphasized that clearing debris alone could take five years, with additional delays due to underground tunnels.

On March 2, 2025, following the conclusion of phase one of the hostage and ceasefire deal, Israel halted all goods entering Gaza, citing Hamas’s refusal to extend the ceasefire under the “Witkoff plan,” which proposed releasing hostages in stages through Passover and Ramadan. Netanyahu’s government insists that no further aid will be transferred without more hostages being freed and claims Hamas is diverting humanitarian aid for its use. Hamas condemned the aid cutoff as extortion and warned it could impact negotiations.

Prices rose quickly after the cutoff, and France, Germany, and the U.K. all insisted that Israel ensure the unhindered flow of aid to Gaza.

Israel said it would screen goods before allowing them to enter the Kerem Shalom crossing. Aid would be stored and disseminated from logistical hubs Israel was creating, with security provided by private contractors. Israel also planned to vet aid employees and track aid distribution.

Meanwhile, Hamas imposed a tax on humanitarian aid to pay its fighters.

A week later, Israeli Energy Minister Eli Cohen ordered the Israel Electric Corporation to immediately cut electricity supply to Gaza, aiming to pressure Hamas for the release of hostages. While Cohen framed the move as a significant escalation, an Israeli official clarified that power from Israel to Gaza had already been cut after October 7, with only a limited supply restored in November to a desalination plant near Deir el-Balah, which has now been shut off again. This plant, serving over 600,000 residents, was one of three desalination plants in Gaza, previously supplying around 15% of the enclave’s water needs.

Testifying before the UN Security Council, Eli Sharabi, a former Israeli hostage, emphasized that the issue in Gaza is not a lack of aid but Hamas’s systematic theft of it. “There is no lack of aid in Gaza. Hamas is stealing it, stealing it from its own people,” Sharabi stated. “Let me tell you as an eyewitness what happened to that aid. Hamas stole it.” He added, “Hamas eats like kings while hostages starve.”

In April 2025, a USAID official stated that most aid to Gaza, which the Trump administration had cut, had been restored despite initial pauses following the collapse of the Israel-Hamas ceasefire negotiations. While some USAID programs remain suspended, including long-term development projects in Palestinian-controlled areas, approximately $80 million in humanitarian aid was in the pipeline when the White House initially froze it. Six of the 12 USAID programs eliminated in Gaza have been or will be reinstated. The official emphasized that Israeli authorities had approved many of these projects, viewing them as stabilizing efforts that enhance regional security and help prevent extremism. However, questions remain about the broader restructuring of USAID and its long-term impact on aid distribution.

By April, the Israeli siege started to impact Hamas’s ability to recruit new members. “There is a big crisis in Hamas in terms of getting money,” Moumen Al-Natour, a Palestinian lawyer from central Gaza, told the Wall Street Journal. “They were mainly dependent on humanitarian aid sold in black markets for cash.”

According to Walla, a bag of flour had reached $1,000. On the one hand, Hamas is fighting merchants not to raise prices, and on the other hand, it is exploiting the situation for profits in line with the interests of various regions.

While most Palestinians have no escape from Gaza, IDF sources said approximately 40,000 Gazans holding foreign citizenship have exited Gaza since the war began. Dozens more continue to leave every week in a coordinated process, facilitated through foreign embassies and international agreements.

In mid-April, Trump publicly acknowledged the humanitarian crisis in Gaza for the first time, claiming he raised the issue with Netanyahu. “Gaza came up, and I said, ‘We’ve got to be good to Gaza. … Those people are suffering,’” he remarked. “There’s a very big need for medicine, food—and medicine—and we’re taking care of it.”

In May 2025, Hamas executed several alleged looters following violent incidents involving armed gangs stealing food and supplies, which Hamas partly blames on Israeli collaboration. Amid widespread shortages due to Israel’s two-month blockade aimed at pressuring Hamas to release remaining hostages from the October 7 attack, Hamas claims some looters acted with clan support or Israeli backing and has formed a 5,000-member force to combat the lawlessness.

In May 2025, Jordan faced criticism from both Republican and Democratic U.S. officials, for backtracking on its February pledge to admit 2,000 gravely ill children from Gaza for medical treatment; only 44 were initially accepted, with Jordan insisting it wouldn’t take more without guarantees the children would return to Gaza despite earlier unconditional commitments made by King Abdullah in the White House alongside Donald Trump.

Trump Surprises Israel

As the press and aid agencies publicized the deteriorating humanitarian situation, Trump began to take notice. Speaking during his visit to the UAE, the president said, “We’re looking at Gaza and we’ve got to get that taken care of. A lot of people are starving. There’s a lot of bad things going on.” The administration subsequently increased pressure on Israel to allow more aid into Gaza.

Sounding like his much-criticized predecessor, Secretary of State Marco Rubio declared that the humanitarian crisis in Gaza is “undermining Israel’s standing and national security,” and praised Israel for lifting the 78-day blockade, only to complain that it wasn’t enough.

During a press conference on May 21, 2025, Netanyahu acknowledged international pressure to resume aid deliveries and stated that a new U.S.-backed aid mechanism was in place to prevent Hamas from diverting supplies. However, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) rejected the Israeli proposal to overhaul Gaza aid distribution, arguing it violates core humanitarian principles and would endanger civilians and aid workers. The Israeli plan shifts distribution from UN-led systems to international organizations and private contractors under IDF-provided perimeter security, aiming to prevent Hamas from diverting aid. OCHA and other humanitarian groups criticized the plan as a pressure tactic and said it would worsen access for Gaza’s most vulnerable. Despite Israeli claims that the plan aligns with humanitarian principles, aid organizations refuse to participate, and the UN reaffirmed its refusal to support the plan.

President Trump said his administration will help deliver food to starving Palestinians in Gaza, but blamed Hamas for making the effort “impossible” by seizing humanitarian aid for its fighters. Speaking at the White House, Trump emphasized that civilians in Gaza are suffering and accused Hamas of treating them “very badly” by hijacking supplies meant for the population. Israeli officials have similarly claimed that Hamas has been stealing aid, though they insist that enough humanitarian assistance entered Gaza during a six-week ceasefire to prevent starvation.

A New Aid Plan

The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) is a new aid initiative involving the United States, Israel, and representatives of a newly established international foundation. Its primary objective was to resume humanitarian aid deliveries to Palestinians in Gaza. A crucial goal is to ensure that this aid enters Gaza and reaches civilians directly, without being controlled or intercepted by Hamas. The GHF aims to complement the work of existing aid groups, not replace them.

This initiative is being established in response to the worsening humanitarian crisis in Gaza. The plan is intended to function regardless of whether Israel follows through on specific threats. The U.S. and Israel were working to garner support for this new humanitarian mechanism from international donors and the United Nations. However, the UN and other aid organizations in Gaza have announced they will not cooperate with the plan, stating it “contravenes fundamental humanitarian principles.” This rejection makes it less likely that donor countries will fund the initiative, potentially further complicating the resumption of aid. White House Middle East Peace envoy Witkoff briefed members of the UN Security Council and UN agencies in Geneva about the plan.

The GHF proposes an innovative operating model. It plans to establish four “Secure Distribution Sites” across Gaza. Each site is designed to serve up to 300,000 people continuously. In its initial phase, the program aims to reach 1.2 million Palestinians, with plans to expand capacity to over 2 million. Aid will move through tightly controlled corridors, monitored in real time to prevent diversion. Logistics subcontractors using armored vehicles will transport supplies. On-site and perimeter security will be provided by experienced professionals, including personnel who previously secured the Netzarim Corridor. Their mandate is to deter interference from criminal networks or other armed groups that have historically sought to control or redirect humanitarian aid. The GHF will operate without a direct military presence at the distribution sites, while maintaining coordination with the IDF to ensure humanitarian access routes remain open. The locations of these humanitarian hubs will not be publicized to help retain their neutral and civilian-facing nature. Aid will be distributed solely on the basis of need, without regard to identity, origin, or affiliation; there will be no eligibility requirements.

The aid will include pre-packaged rations, hygiene kits, medical supplies, and water. A single aid meal providing 1,750 calories is calculated to cost $1.31, including transport, security, and distribution. A family food box containing 50 full meals is estimated to cost $65 and is delivered directly to civilians “at risk”.

The foundation is intended to be independent and civilian-led. Leadership includes experts with significant backgrounds in humanitarian operations and financial systems. David Beasley, the former head of the UN’s World Food Program (WFP) and a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, is in talks to lead the GHF. His leadership is likely to lend the foundation significant credibility and could potentially persuade the UN and other international aid organizations to collaborate with it. Other proposed members of the board and executive leadership include Nate Mook (former World Central Kitchen CEO), Jake Wood (founder of Team Rubicon), David Burke (humanitarian delivery expert), John Acree (former USAID official), and security experts Bill Miller (former UN official) and Gen. Mark Schwartz (former U.S. Security Coordinator for Israel and the Palestinian Authority). The GHF plans to utilize leading accounting firms for auditing and legal counsel, with expertise in international and humanitarian law.

The stated operating principles include transparency, independence, and security. The GHF is based on humanitarianism, neutrality, independence, and universality, and is committed to continuously measuring results on the ground. The aim is to restore donor confidence and create an immediate impact by addressing concerns about aid diversion by armed groups, black-market sales, and a lack of transparency.

The plan is still in progress. A key sticking point remains how to ensure that aid entering Gaza is not intercepted by Hamas and reaches civilians directly.

The United Arab Emirates rejected an Israeli request to fund a new initiative aimed at resuming aid distribution to Gaza, dealing a significant setback to the effort before its official launch. Israel had hoped Emirati backing for the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) would spur broader international support, but the UAE criticized the plan for inadequately addressing Gaza’s humanitarian crisis. The initiative, designed to prevent aid from reaching Hamas, only aims to serve about 60% of Gaza’s population in its initial phase. International organizations and the UN have also refused to cooperate, accusing the program of politicizing aid. Despite visits by Israeli officials to the UAE to garner support, Emirati Minister Reem Al Hashimy stated that changes would be necessary before any funding could be considered. A press conference by U.S. Ambassador Mike Huckabee announced the initiative was underway, but provided few specifics.

Later that month, Trump’s administration pledged to address the worsening humanitarian crisis in Gaza, emphasizing that it “will not allow” a catastrophe to unfold. While closely coordinating with Israel, the administration is working on logistical plans to deliver aid, including mobile kitchens and flour shipments, to Palestinian civilians. Witkoff noted that trucks are already waiting at the border and that Israel has agreed to allow more aid in, though the situation remains complex and dangerous due to unexploded ordnance and damaged infrastructure.

Israel’s decision to temporarily resume humanitarian aid deliveries to Gaza under the old distribution system, despite concerns that it empowers Hamas, was reportedly part of a behind-the-scenes U.S. commitment linked to the release of hostage Edan Alexander. Though Hamas framed the release as a goodwill gesture tied to former President Trump’s visit, sources say the U.S. had already pledged to pressure Israel to restart aid before the IDF’s new delivery system became operational. Israel denies any connection between the aid and the hostage deal, but agreed to resume limited shipments of baby formula, medical supplies, and fuel in response to international famine warnings and growing diplomatic pressure. The new aid model, involving U.S.-backed partners and military-secured hubs, is still in preparation and faces skepticism from aid organizations concerned about politicization and limited reach.

The initial trickle of five aid trucks into Gaza through the Kerem Shalom crossing sparked backlash from allies, who called the deliveries inadequate and threatened sanctions over Israel’s military escalation and humanitarian restrictions. With images of starvation risking a collapse in international support, Netanyahu admitted the aid was a strategic necessity, even as far-right coalition partners opposed it. Meanwhile, Israel ramped up operations in Gaza, ordered new evacuations, and reiterated plans to assert complete control of the territory. Major Western powers, including the U.K., France, Canada, Germany, and Japan, have called for a broader reopening of humanitarian channels, while warning that the current approach fails to meet international law and humanitarian standards.

French President Emmanuel Macron was especially vocal in castigating Israel. “If we abandon Gaza, if we consider there is a free pass for Israel, even if we do condemn the terrorist attacks, we will kill our credibility,” Macron said on May 30, 2025.

While Macron was a frequent critic, German leaders had been more supportive of Israel’s war. Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul, however, also reflected growing international impatience with the failure to end the fighting and provide more humanitarian assistance. He said the government was studying whether Israel was complying with international law and that “we will authorize further arms deliveries based on this examination.”

On May 27, thousands of Palestinians overran the newly established GHF humanitarian aid distribution site in Rafah, only hours after it began operations. Although no injuries were reported, American security personnel reportedly withdrew temporarily as crowds surged. GHF later claimed that the situation was under control and aid distribution had resumed, with 8,000 boxes—enough for over 460,000 meals—already distributed.

Two days later, the GHF had established three secure distribution sites and planned to set up additional sites across Gaza in the coming weeks.

Fights Over Aid

Meanwhile, protests erupted in Israel, with activists attempting to block aid shipments bound for Gaza. Police intervened, arresting two demonstrators. The incident underscored the deep tension surrounding Gaza aid efforts amid a worsening humanitarian crisis. UN officials insisted the aid amount was far from sufficient. Israeli officials blamed the aid agencies for inefficient delivery of the available resources.

Even as supporters of the Palestinians continued to make specious claims about famine and genocide, Hamas was objecting to the delivery of aid by the GHF. Hamas said this provision of food is “completely unacceptable” and urged Gazans “not to cooperate with it.” Further, Hamas threatened, “Anyone who cooperates with the occupation in imposing its agenda will pay the price, and we will take the necessary measures against them.” Hamas subjects Palestinians it accuses of collaboration to brutal punishment, including torture and execution.

Aid trucks waiting inside Gaza on May 27, 2025 (IDF Photo)

The UN also made false claims about 10,000 trucks being stuck at the border, while the IDF reported that 400 were waiting inside Gaza for the UN to collect and deliver them.

Israel continued to be criticized for its handling of aid deliveries. At least 31 Palestinians were killed and dozens were wounded on June 1. The IDF was blamed but denied doing anything more than firing warning shots. “Reports of injuries and fatalities are completely false and fabricated,” GHF said as well.

On June 10, 2025, it was revealed that Hamas and its affiliates are planning attacks on American aid distribution centers in Gaza, according to Telegram messages confirmed by a senior U.S. official, raising the risk of direct U.S. involvement in the conflict. The threats specifically target the U.S.-Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), established to replace the UNRWA, which Israel banned over its ties to Hamas. The Trump administration is monitoring the situation to protect American workers. However, the following day, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) reported that five of its local aid workers were killed and others wounded when Hamas attacked a bus transporting them to aid distribution sites in Gaza. In an updated statement the following day, GHF said the death toll had risen to eight, with 21 seriously wounded. According to GHF, the injured and deceased were evacuated by the International Red Cross to Nasser Hospital in Khan Younis, where Hamas members reportedly threatened hospital staff, preventing treatment and leaving the victims in the hospital’s parking lot without care. GHF has called for the release of the deceased to their families and vowed to continue its humanitarian mission despite the attack

Later that month, a report that was issued in the official Palestinian Authority daily, Al-Hayat Al-Jadida, condemned Hamas for murdering Gaza residents attempting to access food aid. Victims were reportedly abducted, tortured, and killed near hospitals, with Hamas operatives preventing medical treatment and inciting mobs against the wounded. The PA claims Hamas is using death squads to control food distribution through a black market.

Rev. Johnnie Moore, chairman of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), accused the United Nations and other aid organizations of immorally sabotaging GHF’s food distribution efforts in Gaza by spreading disinformation allegedly based on Hamas propaganda. Moore said the international community is ignoring Hamas violence against aid workers and that GHF has delivered over 54 million meals since May, offering aid directly to Gazans without diversion. He described targeted harassment by Hamas, including the killing of 12 local staff, and condemned the UN for denying that its aid has been hijacked. Despite the risks, Moore asserted that GHF’s work is essential and has exposed widespread corruption in the aid system.

In July 2025, two Americans working for the U.S.- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) were injured in a Hamas grenade attack while distributing food in Gaza. GHF, which has delivered over 62 million meals, had previously warned of Hamas threats and claimed the group placed bounties on aid workers. The grenades used were reportedly Iranian-made. GHF and U.S. officials condemned the assault, with Rev. Johnnie Moore blaming international silence and media amplification of Hamas narratives for enabling such violence. The State Department called the attack depraved, and the GHF vowed to continue its mission despite the dangers.

Daily reports from Gaza have blamed Israel for aid shortages and violence at distribution sites, with media outlets depicting chaotic scenes and accusing Israeli forces of shooting desperate, starving Palestinians who surged aid convoys or attempted looting. Israel contends that Hamas operatives have incited some of the unrest and says troops have fired warning shots when approached. Nevertheless, Gaza officials continue to claim that Israeli forces have killed and wounded hundreds of civilians gathered near aid deliveries.

The Associated Press, AFP, BBC News, and Reuters issued a joint statement on July 24 expressing concern for their journalists in Gaza “who are increasingly unable to feed themselves and their families.” The news services urged Israeli authorities “to allow journalists in and out of Gaza” and stated, “It is essential that adequate food supplies reach the people there.”

This statement came after a July 21 call for a ceasefire issued by 25 governments and the EU Commissioner, which condemned Israel’s restriction of humanitarian aid and Hamas’s continued detention of hostages, and a July 23 warning of mass starvation issued by more than 100 international organizations.

Responding to the pressure, Israel agreed to create safe routes for the UN to deliver food and medicine. On July 26, Israel conducted its first airdrop of supplies since the war began. Previously, only foreign countries made airdrops. The government also announced that the Israel Electric Corporation connected a power line from Israel to a desalination plant in the Strip’s south, which is expected to supply water for about 900,000 residents in the area.

The Chaos of Aid Distribution

Organized gangs and merchants have hijacked much of the aid from the UN and GHF, selling it at sky-high prices. A kilo of flour reportedly costs $60, lentils up to $35—far beyond what most can afford. Even though Israel began allowing more trucks in under international pressure, “the strong were best positioned to come away with food,” residents told AP.

While UN and other aid officials continued to blame Israel for what they said was a severe shortage of aid, and denied Israeli claims of Hamas stealing supplies, the UN reported that 87% of its 2,010 food trucks in Gaza from May 19 to July 29 were “intercepted”—either by crowds or armed actors.

In a firsthand account from Gaza, an embedded journalist with the IDF reported witnessing “enormous quantities of humanitarian aid the United Nations has been refusing to distribute,” including “thousands upon thousands of pounds of baby food” baking in the sun. Reporter Eitan Fischberger saw “nearly 600 trucks worth of food, water, and diapers, all ready to be delivered.” However, he said, “The UN refused to do the job, saying it couldn’t operate safely with Israeli protection. Instead, it asked that security be provided by the ‘Gaza Blue Police’—a euphemism for Hamas’s internal security forces.” While previously complaining about Hamas looting, Fischberger concluded, “The U.N. would rather work with Hamas than the Israelis or the Americans.”

Fischberger exposed how Hamas, aided by uncritical media coverage, promoted the narrative of mass starvation in Gaza through misleading imagery—most notably the emaciated photo of Mohammed al-Mutawaaq. That image, Fischberger wrote, became “the face of a devastating allegation: that Israel is deliberately starving Palestinian children.” In reality, as British journalist David Collier revealed, Mohammed has cerebral palsy—a fact belatedly acknowledged by The New York Times only after the photo had gone viral and the damage to Israel’s reputation was done. Fischberger also highlighted another widely circulated picture of a malnourished child, who critics claimed was starving due to Israeli policy. In fact, the boy suffers from cystic fibrosis and had been evacuated from Israel to Italy for treatment.

Hamas has also threatened civilians who accept the aid, erected roadblocks to block their access, and attacked distribution centers to maintain its stranglehold on food supplies. Hamas’s Internal Security forces were also seen in a video detaining and abusing Palestinians who had approached GHF aid centers. After returning from the centers, they were stripped, beaten, and accused of theft and “collaboration with Israel.”

Since October 7, 2023, Israel has facilitated the entry of nearly 1.9 million tons of aid—over 78% food—for Gaza’s 2.1 million residents. As John Spencer of West Point’s Modern War Institute noted, “There is no historical precedent for a military providing the level of direct aid to an enemy population that Israel has provided to Gaza.”

The GHF plans to quadruple its aid distribution sites from four to sixteen, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee announced on August 6, 2025. “The immediate plan is to scale up… and begin to operate them as much as 24 hours a day to get more food to people, more efficiency,” Huckabee told Fox News, describing the GHF as an “American-based operation” that “we stood up.” The move follows President Trump’s pledge of $30 million in June and signals a sharp increase in U.S. involvement.

Trump said he aims to alleviate “starvation” in Gaza with help from Israel, Arab states, and possibly other partners. Israel has agreed to match the U.S. contribution with $30 million. However, no other country has pledged funding for GHF’s operations, which could cost $6 million a day to feed Gaza’s 2.2 million residents.

As part of its plan to flood Gaza with aid, Israel is now allowing aid drops from the UAE, Jordan, Egypt, Spain, France, Germany, Bulgaria, Canada, and the Netherlands. The IDF says 1,000 aid packages, each one ton, have been dropped.

In mid-August, the IDF caught on video armed Hamas terrorists posing as aid workers exiting a vehicle marked with a fake World Central Kitchen emblem. “We were able to verify in real time with the WCK that this, in fact, is not related to their organization, and is, in fact, a fake vehicle,” an Israeli military official said. “We waited for them to get out of the car, and then we went forward and eliminated those armed men who were near our troops.”

After protests from Laura Loomer, a far-right activist who has influence with the Trump administration, posted videos of Gazans arriving in the United States for medical treatment and warned, “This is a national security threat. We didn’t vote for more Islamic immigration into the United States. Who signed off on these visas? They should be fired.” She alleged that the organization that originally posted the videos worked with Hamas. Soon after, the State Department suspended the program.

In the ongoing debate over the degree of deprivation in Gaza, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) declared that as of August 15, 2025, over half a million people in the Gaza Strip were facing catastrophic conditions characterised by starvation, destitution, and death. The report said “over half a million people in the Gaza Strip are facing catastrophic conditions characterised by starvation, destitution and death.” It said food insecurity had reached famine levels in parts of Gaza.

Israel criticized the IPC for relying on outdated and selective data while ignoring more recent figures that contradicted it. Key evidence omitted included:

The complete July data showed malnutrition at 12.2%, which is below the 15% famine threshold; however, IPC based its conclusion on an earlier partial sample, suggesting higher rates.
Food aid deliveries surged, distribution expanded, and prices fell sharply, indicating better access to food.
Daily pauses, open crossings, and infrastructure repairs were ignored or downplayed.
IPC assumed massive unreported deaths, though reported figures were 30 times below its famine threshold.

The report’s reliance on selective, obsolete data and its dismissal of contrary evidence raise serious questions about IPC’s methodological integrity. This declaration reflects a broader pattern, since October 2023, of blurred thresholds, inconsistent standards, and worst-case framing that has undermined the IPC’s credibility.

The Israeli position had little backing outside its most ardent supporters, and the IPC report further increased pressure on the government to demonstrate that it was taking steps to alleviate the food shortage. Netanyahu met United Nations World Food Programme executive director Cindy McCain, a vocal critic of Israel’s policy in Gaza, and jointly announced Israel would “redouble efforts to expedite and sustain the entry of humanitarian goods into Gaza given the dire needs on the ground.”

Gaza City Residents Displaced

Israel began the takeover of Gaza City with airstrikes on high-rise buildings used as command centers, and locations of surveillance cameras, anti-tank firing positions, and sniping positions. A secondary objective of targeting the high-rise buildings (deliberately in broad daylight) is to encourage the civilian population to leave the city. The IDF set up a new “displaced persons city” near Khan Yunis, with “water, food, and medical infrastructure” for the residents expected to leave the city.

By mid-September, more than 500,000 civilians had left the city as the IDF encouraged residents to leave combat zones. Thousands of tents and supplies were being collected at the Kerem Shalom crossing.

IDF Spokesman Brig. Gen. Effie Defrin said, “Hamas opened fire on a UN team, and used stolen UN vehicles to block the construction of a new road for future aid trucks,” as well as “robbed four UNICEF aid trucks at gunpoint — depriving 2,700 infants of baby formula.”

The U.S. and Israel have both expressed the desire to see Palestinians voluntarily leave Gaza, a prospect that has alarmed Egypt. Shortly after the war began, President Biden reached an agreement with Egypt that Palestinians would not be allowed into the country. As hundreds of thousands of Gazans move out of the north, the Egyptians have built up their military presence in the Sinai to ensure that Palestinians do not enter the country. Israel complained to the United States about the buildup. An Egyptian source told Haaretz, “Egypt does not have any offensive intentions, and it views peace with Israel as a strategic asset. Its main concern is that forcibly displaced Palestinians will relocate into Egyptian territory.”

On October 3, 2025, Israeli forces intercepted the final vessel in an international flotilla of 41 boats attempting to breach the Gaza blockade, detaining hundreds of activists, including Greta Thunberg and Mandla Mandela. The confrontation sparked global protests—in Europe, Asia, and Latin America—where tens of thousands demonstrated in solidarity with Palestinians and against Israel’s actions. Italy saw a nationwide strike that disrupted transport and schools. A far-right Israeli minister mocked the detained activists, accusing them of aiding terrorism. Israel had offered to allow the ships to offload cargo in Ashdod, but the activists refused. Since the flotilla carried only symbolic humanitarian aid, it was a publicity stunt to challenge Israel’s blockade rather than a genuine effort to supply Gazans with supplies.

Israeli forces intercepted a second flotilla of ships attempting to breach Gaza’s naval blockade on October 8, detaining more than 150 activists aboard. The vessels were stopped around 120 nautical miles from Gaza, in international waters, before being escorted to Israel for deportation.

Trump Peace Plan Takes Effect

On October 8, Trump announced that Hamas and Israel had agreed to the first phase of his peace plan and that it would be signed in Cairo on October 9. In accordance with the plan, the IDF began its withdrawal from Gaza overnight. The Israeli Cabinet approved the “outline” of a deal to release the hostages on October 9, triggering a 72-hour clock for the return of the 48 hostages. A ceasefire went into effect on the following day.

Under the agreement, 600 aid trucks will enter Gaza daily, coordinated by the UN, approved international organizations, and the private sector. The convoys will deliver food, medicine, shelter supplies, fuel, and cooking gas.

Gazans may exit through the Rafah Crossing subject to Israeli approval, inspection, and European Union supervision, following the same framework established in January 2025, with no limit on the number of people permitted to leave. Those who previously departed will be allowed to return from Egypt, but only after Israel and Egypt finalize a formal mechanism defining the criteria and scope of re-entry.

Israel has stressed that it “controls the tap” for both entry and exit: while departures will remain largely unrestricted, re-entry will be tightly regulated.

Hamas was supposed to deliver the remains of all 28 hostages as part of the ceasefire agreement; however, it released only four bodies. Israel viewed this as a violation of the agreement and responded by halving the number of trucks allowed to bring humanitarian aid into Gaza.

The Times of Israel revealed that a confidential humanitarian annex to the Israel–Hamas ceasefire and hostage deal excludes the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) from postwar aid operations. Instead, UN agencies, the Red Crescent, and other groups will oversee relief distribution. While the term “other organizations” was added to appease Israel, officials say GHF’s role is effectively over. The U.S.-backed group, hampered by dwindling funds and limited deliveries, has averaged fewer than two dozen aid trucks a month. It was supposed to increase operations from three to 16 sites, but never did. Washington pledged $30 million to GHF but released only half, and no confirmation has been given that the rest was transferred. An Israeli official acknowledged that Jerusalem does not expect it to continue operating in the Gaza Strip. One of its sites near central Gaza’s Netzarim Corridor was already abandoned as part of the IDF’s withdrawal from the area.

On October 22, the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel should cooperate with UN relief efforts in Gaza and the West Bank and specifically ordered Israel not to interfere with the work of UNRWA. An Israeli law bans UNRWA from operating in Israel and curbs its activity in the West Bank and Gaza. Israel dismissed the opinion as politically motivated.

U.S. Secretary of State Rubio backed Israel, saying, “UNRWA’s not going to play any role,” delivering humanitarian aid to Gaza. “The United Nations is here. They’re on the ground. We’re willing to work with them if they can make it work, but not UNRWA. UNRWA became a subsidiary of Hamas.”

Meanwhile, the United States rejected an Israeli plan to distribute humanitarian aid in Gaza through 10 to 20 sites along the “Yellow Line,” the temporary border secured by the IDF. The proposal, developed by the IDF and the U.S.-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), was intended to allow aid delivery under Israeli protection. However, U.S. officials have rejected the idea as unrealistic, arguing that aid should be distributed deeper inside Gaza and warning that requiring civilians to travel to the border could spark clashes with Israeli forces.

Throughout the war, Israel insisted that Hamas was stealing aid, and international organizations often disputed the claims. The United States Central Command (CENTCOM) provided evidence that what Israel said was occurring before the ceasefire was continuing when it published a drone video showing “suspected Hamas operatives looting an aid truck traveling as part of a humanitarian convoy delivering needed assistance from international partners to Gazans in northern Khan Younis” on October 31, 2025.

“Hamas continues to deprive the people of Gaza of the humanitarian aid they desperately need. This theft undermines international efforts in support of President Trump’s 20 Point Plan to deliver critical assistance to innocent civilians,” Rubio posted on X.

As of November 10, the U.S.-Israel Civilian-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) had facilitated an average of 674 humanitarian aid trucks entering Gaza daily, delivering more than 15,000 truckloads of essential goods in its first month of operation.

U.S. officials in Gaza reported that over 1 million residents had received food parcels, that meal production had risen by 82% since September, and that medical teams had conducted more than 143,000 consultations and 900 emergency surgeries for civilians.

A Scandal and Disappearing Famine

Egyptian researcher Maher Farghali reported that the Muslim Brotherhood–linked charity Waqf al-Ummah allegedly stole roughly half a billion dollars raised in a single fundraiser for Gaza, prompting an unusual public denunciation from Hamas. According to Farghali, the Turkey-based organization exploited pro-Gaza sentiment through an extensive marketing campaign to solicit donations that were never delivered. Hamas learned of the scheme in early 2024, disavowed Waqf al-Ummah, prohibited any dealings with it, and named several individuals it said were involved. Critics have described the incident as one of the largest corruption scandals in the history of Islamist fundraising for Gaza.

For months, international aid agencies and media warned that Gaza was sliding into famine, culminating in the August 22, 2025, IPC declaration that, despite limited data, expert inference indicated famine was underway. Yet within weeks, noted Ken Isaacs of Samaritan’s Purse, the term disappeared from headlines, replaced briefly by “starvation” before fading altogether. The shift raises questions about whether famine was averted, overstated, or politically reframed, especially since no subsequent surge in mortality, malnutrition, or social breakdown—hallmarks of actual famine—has been independently documented. Aid looting reportedly dropped from 84% in August to under 1% by November, and post-ceasefire footage shows apparent calm as Hamas reasserted control, creating further inconsistencies with claimed famine conditions. Given that recovery from genuine famine typically takes 8–12 months, critics argue that Gaza’s rapidly improving indicators suggest either data gaps, exaggeration, or narrative manipulation, underscoring the need for transparency and rigorous evidence.

Data released by the Global Nutrition Cluster’s State of Palestine office—and mortality figures from the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry—indicate that Gaza never crossed a key famine threshold during the period when an IPC (Integrated Food Security Phase Classification) “famine” declaration generated intense global criticism of Israel.

The October 2025 figures show that malnutrition levels in July–August were about 23% lower than the numbers the IPC relied on to justify its famine assessment. Although “malnutrition-related deaths” rose during that period, the excess mortality remained far below what is typically seen in an actual famine.

Experts and Israeli analysts agree that severe hunger and humanitarian distress were widespread in Gaza and remain so, but the data raises serious doubts about whether famine conditions—defined in strict scientific terms—were ever met.

The distinction matters because the alleged famine has been central to international accusations that Israel engaged in genocide via deliberate starvation. As independent analyst Mark Zlochin put it, “The whole famine narrative is used to accuse Israel of deliberate starvation… No one serious would argue that there was not hunger in Gaza… But the claim is that Israel deliberately starved a civilian population not involved in war.”

The GHF announced at the end of November that it was winding down operations after delivering 187 million meals and more than 1.1 million nutritional packets to Gazans without a single truck being looted by Hamas. Executive Director John Acree stated that GHF’s mission was to prove that a new, secure model for aid delivery could work and then hand it off to the international community—something he said has now happened with the creation of the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC).

Native Gazan Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib said Hamas hid large quantities of infant formula and children’s nutritional products in secret Gaza Ministry of Health warehouses during the peak of Gaza’s hunger crisis, intentionally worsening the situation to support a famine narrative aimed at halting Israel’s military campaign and restoring the UN-led aid system instead of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. After two months of ceasefire and an influx of aid, activists in Gaza reported that Hamas was discarding or wasting these stockpiled supplies, which had been deliberately withheld during the crisis.

Despite IDF recommendations to reduce aid, Israel has continued large-scale economic assistance to Gaza under pressure from Qatar and Turkey, enabling Hamas to maintain and even strengthen its financial position. Military officials say the roughly 4,200 weekly food and fuel deliveries far exceed civilian needs and generate substantial revenue for Hamas, but political leaders have not acted on calls to cut them back.

Hamas also profits heavily from taxing aid and commercial goods entering Gaza, currency exchange fees, smuggling — including cigarettes and dual-use materials — and informal money transfer networks. Since the ceasefire, it has revived its tax system, expanded revenues, maintained basic governance, and redirected funds to rebuild military infrastructure, including tunnels. Israeli officials warn Hamas remains economically entrenched, faces no internal opposition, and is far from defeated.

U.S. Sanctions Hamas Charities

In January 2026, the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) announced new counterterrorism sanctions targeting Hamas’s covert use of nonprofit and civilian organizations to finance and support its activities. The action exposed how Hamas operated behind humanitarian fronts, a practice the Treasury said endangers Palestinians, diverts aid, and undermines prospects for peace.

According to OFAC, six Gaza-based groups that claimed to provide medical care were in fact supporting Hamas’s military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, using deception to solicit funds from international donors. OFAC also designated the Popular Conference for Palestinians Abroad, which it says is secretly controlled by Hamas and has backed Gaza flotilla efforts.

Under Secretary of the Treasury John K. Hurley said Hamas shows “a callous disregard for the welfare of the Palestinian people” and vowed that the administration “will not look the other way while Hamas leadership and enablers exploit the financial system to fund terrorist operations.”

Table of Contents for the Israel-Hamas War
Bibliography and Photo Credits

About Mitchell Bard

The Israel-Hamas War: The Humanitarian Crisis in Gaza