U.S. Position Concerning Dimona Reactor
(January 9, 1961)
This memorandum indicates the U.S.'s knowledge of Israeli
nuclear capability, and their reponse to the program.
PARTICIPANTS
Assistant Secretary Lewis Jones
Special Assistant Philip J. Farley
Senators Gore, Hickenlooper, Fulbright, Carlson, Sparkman (last three
present most of the time but not entire time)
At the request of Senator Gore (Chairman, Near East Sub-Committee,
Senate Foreign Relations Committee) Jones and Farley presented themselves
in Mr. Marcy's office in the room off the main Senate Foreign Relations
Room. Senator Gore was in the chair. Messrs. Marcy and Newhouse of Committee
staff were present but no transcript was taken.
Senator Gore told those present that he had given his word to the Department
that there would be no publicity regarding this very informal"
meeting. He said the issue was a sensitive one. The other Senators agreed.
Jones followed in his presentation the greater part of the document
which he had brought with him but did not get an opportunity, owing
to the interruptions, to describe the "side effects" of the
Dimona reactor.
It was evident that all those present, but particularly Senators Hickenlooper
and Gore, were annoyed that Israel had not only concealed its activity
but had "deliberately misled" the United States Government.
Senator Gore questioned closely Jones' statement that Israeli officials
had told U.S. officials, when asked about the buildings lying 25 miles
southwest of Beersheba, that it was first a "textile plant"
and then a "metallurgical works". He asked whether there was
a record of these statements by the Israelis. Jones said that he doubted
whether there was more of a record than recent telegrams from our Embassy
in Tel Aviv. Statements could have been made by Israeli officials who
were not really "in the know". Senator Hickenlooper said that
he had definite knowledge that the GOI had "lied" to an American
official (whom he did not identify) in the late summer or early fall.
This official "did not belong to the State Department". Asked
whether it was Dr. Gomberg, Senator Hickenlooper said it was not.
Senator Fulbright said it was the secrecy factor which troubled him:
if the Israelis had nothing to hide, as GOI statements indicated; why
did they hide it? Jones explained that there was validity in the Israeli
fear of intensified Arab boycott of its suppliers if reactor was constructed
openly. The fault on the Israeli side lay in keeping the reactor secret
too long: long after the buildings were plainly visible from a public
road.
Senator Hickenlooper was concerned by the cost figures of the overall
project. He did not believe the $5,000,000 per year foreign exchange
costs for four years mentioned by GOI.
Senator Gore was concerned by the effect of the existence of the Dimona
reactor upon the Arabs and wanted to know what firm evidence the Department
had that knowledge of Dimona had driven them into the hands of the Russians.
He was interested in the January 28 meeting of the Arab League and wondered
whether any drastic decisions would emerge therefrom. Jones replied
that he felt at this stage the Arabs would confine themselves to talk--after
all plutonium from Dimona was three or four years away. He said there
had been an indication that Nasser had asked the USSR for help to build
a 30-40 megawatt reactor in Egypt--comparable to Dimona.
The Senators appeared to accept the Department's thesis that another
round of publicity would be unhelpful. Senator Gore asked Jones to advise
him if "anything new" emerged from Ambassador Harman's call
on the Secretary January 11./2/ Jones promised to do this.
The Senators also appeared to accept the idea that if the United States
were to take measures against Israel this might be a signal for intensified
Arab action against Israel.
Senators Sparkman and Hickenlooper at different times expressed doubts
that the United States could force Israel as a sovereign state to reveal
full information if Israel did not choose to supply it. Both commented,
however, that the United States had various means of pressure which
it could apply to Israel if this needed.
The Senators also appeared to accept Jones' thesis that the problem
of plutonium produced in reactors goes far beyond Israel--that it would
be unfair to publicly brand Israel as a villain on suspicion that it
might--three or four years hence--divert some plutonium to weapons.
All reactors everywhere produce some plutonium. This pointed up the
need for generally applicable international inspection and control.
The Senators listened with keen interest to Mr. Farley's elucidation
of the kind of control which the International Atomic Energy Agency
might exercise in the future and the present narrow range of its safeguards
activities. Farley also explained in response to Senator Gore's request
his views on the latest Soviet attitude towards suspension of atomic
testing.
Senator Hickenlooper, towards the end of the meeting, said that he
agreed that atomic energy is a coming thing. "Peacefully applied
atomic energy is like electricity: whether we like it or not countries
are going to get it". The United States cannot and should not attempt
to keep countries like Israel from getting into the field. The problem
is how to assure that atomic energy is used only for peaceful purposes.
In general, the discussion moved from the specific case of the Dimona
reactor, about which Israel had been so regrettably secretive, to the
more general problem of peaceful uses and control over comparable reactors
elsewhere in the world.
/1/Source: Department of
State, Central Files, 984A.1901/1-961. Secret.
Drafted by Jones (NEA).
/2/The memorandum of conversation
is ibid., 884A.1901/1-1161. See Supplement,
the compilation on Israel.
Sources: Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1961-1963: Near East, 1962-1963, V.
XVIII. |