Report on Human Rights
Practices for 1996--Libya
The Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya is a dictatorship
ruled by Colonel Mu'ammar Al-Qadhafi (the "Brother Leader
and Guide of the Revolution") who is aided by extragovernmental
Revolutionary Committees and a Comrades Organization. Libya's
governing principles are expressed in Qadhafi's "Green Book."
Borrowing from Islamic and pan-Arab ideas, Qadhafi has created
a political system that purports to establish a "third way"
superior to capitalism and Communism. He uses extrajudical killings
and intimidation to control the opposition abroad and summary
judicial proceedings to suppress it at home. The Government exercises
tight control over ethnic minorities, such as Berbers, and continues
to repress banned Islamic groups.
Colonel Qadhafi publicly called for violence against opponents
of his regime after violent clashes between Islamic activists
and security forces in Benghazi in September 1995. Outbreaks
of violence continued between government forces and Muslim militants.
Two serious prison mutinies occurred in the past year, causing
more bloodshed and prompting the Government to conduct intense
military operations against suspected oppositionists.
Libya maintains an extensive security apparatus, consisting of
several elite military units, including Qadhafi's personal bodyguards;
local Revolutionary Committees; and People's Committees; as well
as the newly formed "Purification" Committees. The
result is a multilayered, pervasive surveillance system that monitors
and controls the activities of individuals. The various security
forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses.
The Government dominates the economy through complete control
of the country's oil resources, the principal source of foreign
exchange. It uses part of the oil income for development, but
much income has been lost to waste, corruption, and attempts to
develop weapons of mass destruction.
The human rights situation is poor. Citizens do not have the
right to change their government. Security forces arbitrarily
arrest, detain, and torture prisoners during interrogations or
* The United States has no official presence in Libya.
Information on the human rights situation is therefore limited.
for punishment. The Government restricts the freedoms of speech,
press, assembly, association, and religion. The Government also
restricts basic worker rights. Citizens do not have the right
to a fair public trial, to be represented by legal counsel, to
be secure in their homes or persons, or to own private property.
Prison conditions are poor, and many political detainees are
held for years without charge. Although there were no reports
of mass expulsions of foreign workers and residents in 1996, the
regime threatened to expel thousands of Palestinian residents
in May. Traditional attitudes and practices continue to discriminate
against women, and the Government discriminates against minorities.
Female genital mutilation is still practiced in remote tribal
Libya continues to be subject to economic and diplomatic sanctions
imposed by the U.N. Security Council in connection with the bombings
of Pan Am flight 103 over Scotland in 1988 and the bombing of
UTA flight 772 over Chad in 1989. The Government took only limited
steps to address the U.N. Security Council resolutions concerning
the bombing of Pan Am flight 103 and UTA flight 722.
RESPECT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS
Section l Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including
a. Political and Other Extrajudicial Killing
Violent clashes between the security forces and militant Islamist
opposition groups increased during the year. The clashes were
predominantly concentrated in the eastern region of Libya and
by some estimates, resulted in 600 deaths and 800 wounded during
In response to numerous attacks against the regime and a prison
mutiny in Benghazi, the Government tightened security measures,
made hundreds of arrests, and conducted an intense military campaign
in the areas where insurrection occurred. Government forces killed
a number of people, but there were no definitive estimates of
the total killed in these government attacks. On July 12, the
Government officially stated that the actions were military exercises
and operations against drug traffickers.
The Government officially admitted that 8 people died and 39 were
injured as a result of a July 9 riot that broke out in Tripoli
after Qadhafi family bodyguards fired upon spectators at a soccer
game who were shouting anti-Qadhafi slogans (see Section 2.b.).
There were reports of up to 50 deaths, caused by the gunfire
and the resulting crowd stampede.
Security forces killed an undetermined number of persons while
suppressing a prison mutiny that broke out on July 5 (see Section
Qadhafi uses extrajudicial killing and intimidation to control
the opposition abroad, and summary judicial proceedings to suppress
domestic dissent. There have been reports of Libyan security
forces hunting down and eliminating dissidents living abroad.
A large number of offenses, including political offenses and "economic
crimes," are punishable by death. A 1972 law mandates the
death penalty for any person associated with a group opposed to
the principles of the revolution. Despite his longstanding stated
intention, Qadhafi has not acted to abolish the death penalty
for this offense. On July 15, a new law went into effect that
applies the death penalty to those who speculate in foreign currency,
food, clothes, or housing during a state of war or blockade and
for crimes related to drugs and alcohol.
Islamic factions reportedly made one failed coup attempt, two
failed assassination attempts on Qadhafi, and mounted three major
attacks on Libyan security forces.
The first major attack came on June 22, when 8 Libyan policemen
were shot and killed by members of the Libyan Islamic Group at
a training center near the city of Dirnah. On July 19, Muslim
militants killed 26 members of an army convoy, and in mid-August
13 soldiers and one of Qadhafi's bodyguards were killed in attacks
in the areas of Tripoli and Benghazi. An estimated 400 Islamic
fundamentalists escaped from the Al-Kawafiyah prison near Benghazi
on March 24 and fled to the mountain region of Dirnah, where they
clashed with security forces for several days.
Libya continues to be subject to economic and diplomatic sanctions
imposed by the U.N. Security Council in connection with the bombings
of Pan Am flight 103 over Scotland in 1988 which killed 259 people
on board and 11 people on the ground and the bombing of UTA flight
772 over Chad in 1989 which killed 171 people. These sanctions
require that Libya fulfill the following conditions: ensure the
appearance in a U.S. or Scottish court of those charged in the
Pam Am 103 case; cooperate with U.S., British, and French investigations
into the Pan Am and UTA bombings; compensate the victims of Pan
Am 103; and renounce terrorism and support for terrorism.
The Government took limited steps to address the U.N. Security
Council resolutions concerning the bombing of Pan Am flight 103
and UTA flight 722. On March 23, Qadhafi wrote a letter to French
President Chirac pledging cooperation in resolving the UTA bombing
short of extraditing the suspects (which is against
Libyan law) or compromising Libya's sovereignty. France's chief
antiterrorism magistrate, Jean-Louis Brugiuere, visited Libya
in an effort to investigate the incident and was expected to issue
international arrest warrants for two suspects, bringing to six
the number that he said he would prosecute. He indicated that
the suspects would be tried without being present in court. Press
reports identified the suspects as Libyan intelligence officials
Abdesslam Issa Shibari, Abdesslam Hamouda, and Abadallah Senousi
(brother-in-law of Qadhafi); Libyan diplomat Abdullah Elazragh;
and intelligence operatives Ibrahim Naeli and Musbah Arbas.
There were no reports of politically motivated disappearances.
The 1993 disappearance from Cairo of Libyan dissident Mansour
Kikhia remained unresolved.
c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment
Although Libya is a party to the U.N. Convention against Torture
and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment,
security personnel reportedly torture prisoners during interrogations
or for punishment. Government agents periodically detain and
reportedly torture foreign workers, particularly those from sub-Saharan
Africa. Torture reports are difficult to corroborate because
many prisoners are held incommunicado.
Methods of torture reportedly include: chaining to a wall for
hours; clubbing; electric shock; the application of corkscrews
in the back; lemon juice in open wounds; breaking fingers and
allowing the joints to heal without medical care; suffocation
by plastic bags; deprivation of food and water; and beatings on
the soles of the feet. The law calls for fines against any official
using excessive force, but there are no known cases of prosecution
for torture or abuse.
There is insufficient information to make a determination on overall
prison conditions, but a mutiny on July 5 at the Abu Salim prison
was caused by inmates protesting poor conditions. The prisoners
went on a hunger strike and captured guards to protest the lack
of medical care, overcrowding, and inadequate hygiene and diet
provided at the facility. Security units were dispatched to suppress
the uprising, and hundreds of people were left dead after the
week-long incident, as many as 100 of them killed by security
The Government does not permit prison visits by human rights monitors.
d. Arbitrary Arrest, Detention, or Exile
By law the Government may hold detainees incommunicado for unlimited
periods. It holds many political detainees incommunicado in unofficial
detention centers controlled by members of the Revolutionary Committees.
Thousands of political detainees, many associated with banned
Islamic groups, are reported to be held in prisons throughout
Libya. Many have been held for years without charge. Thousands
of other detainees may have been held for periods too brief (3
to 4 months) to permit confirmation by outside observers.
Security forces intensified the campaign to arrest suspected members
and sympathizers of banned Islamic groups and to monitor activities
at mosques following numerous violent clashes. Some practicing
Muslims have shaved their beards to avoid harassment from security
services. Qadhafi has publicly denounced Libyan "mujaheddin"
(generally, conservative Islamic activists who fought with the
Afghan resistance movement against Soviet forces) as threats to
The Purge Law of 1994 was established to fight financial corruption,
black marketeering, drug trafficking, and atheism. Since the
enforcement of the Purge Law began in June by the "Purification"
Committees, scores of businessmen, traders, and shop owners have
been arbitrarily arrested and dozens of shops and firms have been
closed on charges of corruption, dealing in foreign goods, and
funding Islamic fundamentalist groups. As part of the campaign
to implement the Purge Law, the wealth of the middle class and
affluent have been targeted as well (see Section 1.f.).
The Government does not impose exile as a form of punishment;
to the contrary, Qadhafi seeks to pressure Libyans working or
studying abroad to return home. The Government arbitrarily expels
noncitizens (see Section 6.e.).
e. Denial of Fair Public Trial
The judiciary is not independent of the Government. There are
four levels of courts: summary courts, which try petty offenses;
the courts of first instance, which try more serious crimes; the
courts of appeal; and the Supreme Court, which is the final appellate
level. The private practice of law is illegal; all lawyers must
be members of the Secretariat of Justice.
Special revolutionary courts were established in 1980 to try political
offenses. Such trials are often held in secret or even in the
absence of the accused. In other cases, the security forces have
the power to pass sentences without trial, especially in cases
involving political opposition. In the past, Qadhafi has incited
local cadres to take extrajudicial action against suspected opponents.
According to Amnesty International, approximately 22 persons were
convicted and imprisoned for political offenses during 1995.
f. Arbitrary Interference with Privacy, Family, Home,
The Government does not respect the right to privacy. Security
agencies often disregard the legal requirement to obtain warrants
before entering a private home. They also routinely monitor telephone
The security agencies and the Revolutionary Committees oversee
an extensive informant network. Libyan exiles report that family
ties to suspected regime opponents may result in government harassment
and detention. The Government may seize and destroy property
belonging to "enemies of the people" or to those who
"cooperate" with foreign powers. In the past, citizens
have reported that Qadhafi has warned members of the extended
family of any regime opponent that they risk the death penalty.
The Purge Law of 1994 provides for the confiscation of private
assets above a nominal amount, describing wealth in excess of
such an undetermined nominal amount as the fruits of exploitation
or corruption. In May Qadhafi ordered the formation of hundreds
of "Purge" or "Purification" Committees composed
of young military officers and students. The Committees, backed
by thousands of Revolutionary Committees, implement the Purge
Law. The "Purification" Committees began to enforce
the Law in June and reportedly seized some "excessive"
amounts of private wealth from the middle and affluent classes
in Libya. The confiscated property was taken from the rich to
be given to the poor, in an effort to appease the populace and
to strengthen Qadhafi's power and control over the country.
Section 2. Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
The authorities tolerate some difference of opinion in People's
Committee meetings and at the General People's Congress, but in
general severely limit freedom of speech. This is especially
true with regard to criticism of Qadhafi or his regime. Infrequent
criticism of political leaders and policies in the state-controlled
media is interpreted as a government attempt to test public opinion,
or weaken a government figure who may be a potential challenger
The regime restricts freedom of speech in several ways: By prohibiting
all political activities not officially approved; by enacting
laws so vague that many forms of speech or expression may be interpreted
as illegal; and by operating a pervasive system of informants
that creates an atmosphere of mistrust at all levels of society.
The State owns and controls the media. There is a state-run daily
newspaper, Al-Shams, with a circulation of 40,000. Local Revolutionary
Committees publish several smaller newspapers. The official news
agency, JANA, is the designated conduit for official views. The
regime does not permit the publication of opinions contrary to
government policy. Such foreign publications as Newsweek, Time,
the International Herald Tribune, Express, and Jeune Afrique are
available, but authorities routinely censor them and may prohibit
their entry onto the market.
b. Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association
Public assembly is permitted only with regime approval and in
support of the regime's positions.
Despite these restrictions, members of the Warfalla tribe staged
several informal protests in 1995 to protest the regime's decision
to carry out the death penalty against tribe members involved
in the 1993 coup attempt. The Government responded by arresting
hundreds of tribe members and expelling others from the military
and security forces. The death sentences had not been carried
out by year's end.
A rare display of public discontent and resentment towards the
Government occurred when a riot broke out during a soccer match
in Tripoli on July 9. The unrest began when a contentious goal
was scored by the team that Qadhafi's sons supported and the referee
called the play in their team's favor. The spectators reportedly
started chanting anti-Qadhafi slogans after the referee made the
call and Qadhafi's sons and their bodyguards opened fire in the
air, then on the crowd. The spectators panicked and stampeded
out of the stadium and into the streets, where they stoned cars
and chanted more anti-Qadhafi slogans. The Government officially
admitted that 8 people died and 39 were injured as a result of
the soccer riots, but there were reports of up to 50 deaths, caused
by the gunfire and the stampede of the crowd.
The Government limits the right of association; it grants such
a right only to institutions affiliated with the regime. According
to a 1972 law, political activity found by the authorities to
be treasonous is punishable by death. An offense may include
any activity that is "opposed ... to the principles of the
c. Freedom of Religion
Libya is overwhelmingly Muslim. In an apparent effort to eliminate
all alternative power bases, the regime has banned the once powerful
Sanusiyya Islamic sect. In its place, Qadhafi established the
Islamic Call Society (ICS), which is the outlet for state-approved
religion as well as a tool for exporting the Libyan revolution.
In 1992 the Government announced that the ICS would be disbanded;
however, its director still conducts activities, suggesting that
the organization remains operational. Islamic groups at variance
with the state-approved teaching of Islam are banned.
Members of some minority religions are allowed to conduct services.
Services in Christian churches are attended by the foreign community.
A resident Catholic bishop, aided by a small number of priests,
operates two churches.
d. Freedom of Movement Within the Country, Foreign Travel,
Emigration, and Repatriation
The Government imposed blockades on many cities in eastern Libya
in reaction to the Islamic rebel attacks on military and police
forces and the prison mutiny in Benghazi. The Government usually
does not restrict the internal movement of Libyan citizens, except
in the security areas. It requires exit permits for travel abroad
and limits access to hard currency. A woman must have her husband's
permission to travel abroad. Authorities routinely seize the
passports of foreigners married to Libyan citizens upon their
entry into Libya.
The right of return exists. In fact, the regime often calls on
students, many of whom receive a government subsidy, and others
working abroad to return to Libya on little or no notice. Students
studying abroad are interrogated upon their return. Some citizens,
including exiled opposition figures, refuse to return. There
have been reports of Libyan security forces hunting down and eliminating
dissidents living abroad (see Section 1.a.).
In September 1995, the Government expelled approximately 1,000
Palestinian residents to signal its displeasure with the signing
of the Interim Agreement between Israel and the Palestine Liberation
Organization. The Palestinians were forced to live in makeshift
camps along the Egyptian border. The Government allowed the Palestinians
living in the border camps to return to Libya, but over 200 Palestinians
elected to remain, hoping to travel to the West Bank and Gaza
or resettle in Egypt. The Governments of Libya, Egypt, and Israel
refused to accept the Palestinian refugees, leaving them stranded
in the deteriorating and squalid conditions of the temporary border
The Government threatened to expel thousands of Palestinian residents
and workers in May and distributed questionnaires to identify
and locate Palestinian residents. However, it did not act on
the threat or undertake the mass expulsions of foreigners (see
The Government is not a signatory to the 1951 United Nations Convention
relating to the Status of Refugees or the 1967 Protocol and, therefore,
does not grant asylum, first asylum, or refugee status to foreigners
in Libya. The U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reported
that by April 1996 there were over 3,000 refugees of concern to
the UNHCR in Libya, including some 2,000 Somalis, 750 Eritreans,
325 Sudanese, and 300 Ethiopians. The Government officially contacted
the UNHCR Liaison Officer in Tripoli in 1995 in an effort to facilitate
the repatriation of Arab and African refugees to their country
of origin. The UNHCR assisted in the repatriation of 168 Eritreans
and 129 Ethiopians in the first 4 months of 1996.
Section 3. Respect for Political Rights: The Right of
Citizens to Change Their Government
Citizens do not have the right to change their government. Major
government decisions are controlled by Qadhafi, his close associates,
and committees acting in his name. Political parties are banned.
Qadhafi appoints military officers and official functionaries
down to junior levels. Corruption and favoritism, partially based
on tribal origin, are major problems, adversely affecting government
In theory political participation is guaranteed by the grassroots
People's Committees, which send representatives annually to the
national General People's Congress (GPC). In practice the GPC
is a rubber stamp that approves all recommendations made by Qadhafi.
Qadhafi established the Revolutionary Committees in 1977. These
bodies are composed mostly of Libyan youths who are charged with
guarding against political deviation. Some Committees have engaged
in show trials of regime opponents; in other cases, they have
been implicated with killing opponents abroad. The Committees
approve all candidates in elections for the GPC.
There is no reliable information on the representation of women
and minorities in the Government.
Section 4. Governmental Attitude Regarding International
and Nongovernmental Investigation of Alleged Violations of Human
The regime prohibits the establishment of independent human rights
organizations. It created the Libyan Arab Human Rights Committee
in 1989, but the Committee has not published any known reports.
The regime does not respond substantively to appeals from Amnesty
International (AI) on behalf of detainees. In 1994 the regime
described AI as a tool of Western interests and dismissed its
work as neocolonialist. AI representatives last visited Libya
Section 5 Discrimination Based on Race, Sex, Religion, Disability,
Language, or Social Status
There is little information on the extent of violence against
women. In general the intervention of neighbors and extended
family members tends to limit the prevalence and scope of such
violence. Abuse within the family is rarely discussed publicly,
due to the value attached to privacy in this traditional society.
Libyans have been implicated in the purchasing of Sudanese slaves
(see Section 6.c.).
Women were granted equal status under law by the Constitutional
Proclamation in 1969. Despite this legal provision of equality,
many traditional attitudes and practices continue to discriminate
against women. A woman must have her husband's permission to
travel abroad (see Section 2.d.).
Most observers agree that, with the advent of oil wealth in the
1970's, women have made notable social progress. Oil wealth,
urbanization, development plans, education programs, and even
the impetus behind Qadhafi's revolutionary Government have contributed
to the creation of new employment opportunities for women. In
recent years, a growing sense of individualism in some segments
of society, especially among the educated young, has been noted.
For example many educated young couples prefer to set up their
own households, rather than move in with their parents, and view
polygyny with scorn. Since the 1970's, the level of educational
differences between men and women has continued to narrow.
In general the emancipation of women is a generational phenomenon:
Urban women under the age of 35 tend to have more "modern"
attitudes toward life and have discarded the traditional veil;
at the same time, older urban women tend to be more reluctant
to give up the veil or the traditional attitudes towards family
and employment. Moreover, a significant proportion of rural women
still do not attend school and tend to instill in their children
such traditional beliefs as women's subservient role in society.
Employment gains by women also tend to be inhibited by lingering
traditional restrictions that discourage women from playing an
active role in the workplace and by the resurgence of Islamic
fundamentalist values. Some observers have noted that even educated
women tend to lack self-confidence and social awareness and seek
only a limited degree of occupational and social participation
The ambiguous position of women is illustrated by Qadhafi's own
attitudes and utterances. His development plans have made an
effort to include women in the modern work force, yet he has criticized
women's emancipation in the West, including their employment gains.
The Government has subsidized education (which is compulsory to
the age of 15) and medical care, improving the welfare of children
in the past 25 years. However, declining revenues and general
economic mismanagement have led to cutbacks, particularly in medical
services. Some tribes located in remote areas still practice
female genital mutilation (FGM) on young girls, a procedure that
is widely condemned by international health experts as damaging
to both physical and psychological health.
People with Disabilities
No information is available on the Government's efforts to assist
people with disabilities.
Arabic-speaking Muslims of mixed Arab and Berber ancestry comprise
97 percent of the population. The principal non-Arab minorities
are Berbers and Africans. There are frequent allegations of discrimination
based on tribal status, particularly against Berbers in the interior
and Tuaregs in the south. Qadhafi manipulates tribes to maintain
his grip on power by rewarding some tribes with money and government
positions and repressing and jailing members of the other tribes.
Qadhafi also attempts to keep the tribes fractured by pitting
one tribe against another.
Section 6. Worker Rights
a. The Right of Association
Independent trade unions and professional associations are prohibited,
and workers do not have the right to join unions of their own
choosing. The regime regards such structures as unacceptable
"intermediaries between the revolution and the working forces."
They may join the sole official trade union organization, the
National Trade Unions' Federation, which was created in 1972 and
administered by the People's Committee system. The Government
prohibits foreign workers from joining unions.
The law does not guarantee the right to strike. There have been
no reports of strikes for years. In a 1992 speech, Qadhafi affirmed
that workers have the right to strike but added that strikes do
not occur because the workers control their enterprises.
The official trade union organization plays an active role in
the International Confederation of Arab Trade Unions and the Organization
of African Trade Union Unity. It exploits international trade
union contacts to engage in propaganda efforts on behalf of the
regime. The Arab Maghreb Trade Union Federation suspended the
membership of Libya's trade union organization in 1993. The suspension
followed reports that Qadhafi had replaced all union leaders,
in some cases with loyal followers without union experience.
b. The Right to Organize and Bargain Collectively
Collective bargaining does not exist in any meaningful sense because
the labor law requires that the Government must approve all agreements.
c. Prohibition of Forced or Compulsory Labor
In its 1995 report, the International Labor Organization's (ILO)
Committee of Experts stated that "persons expressing certain
political views or views ideologically opposed to the established
political, social, or economic system may be punished with penalties
of imprisonment...involving...an obligation to perform labor."
The situation in 1996 remained largely the same. The
1995 ILO report also noted that public employees may be sentenced
to compulsory labor "...as a punishment for breaches of labor
discipline or for participation in strikes, even in services whose
interruption would not endanger the life, personal safety, or
health of the whole or part of the population." The Government
informed the ILO that legislation was enacted to abolish these
provisions and submitted a report to the ILO, but the ILO did
not comment on it this year.
There have been credible reports that the Government has arbitrarily
forced some foreign workers into involuntary military service
or has coerced them into performing subversive activities against
their own countries. Libyans have been implicated in the purchasing
of Sudanese slaves, who are largely southern Sudanese women and
children who were captured by Sudanese government troops in the
war against the southern rebellion.
d. Minimum Age for Employment of Children
The minimum age for employment of children is 18 years.
e. Acceptable Conditions of Work
The labor force is about 1.2 million workers (including 161,000
foreign workers) in a population of 5.2 million. Wages, particularly
in the public sector, are frequently in arrears. A public wage
freeze imposed in 1981 remains in effect and has seriously eroded
real income. The average wage appears inadequate to provide a
worker and family with a decent standard of living. The average
wage is about $900 per month (300 dinars) at the official exchange
rate, but is only worth $100 at the unofficial exchange rate.
The legal maximum workweek is 48 hours. The labor law defines
the rights and duties of workers, including matters of compensation,
pension rights, minimum rest periods, and working hours. Labor
inspectors are assigned to inspect places of work for compliance
with occupational health and safety standards. Certain industries,
such as the petroleum sector, try to maintain standards set by
The labor law does not accord equality of treatment to foreign
workers. Foreign workers may reside in Libya only for the duration
of their work contracts and may not send more than half of their
earnings to their families in their home countries. They are
subject to arbitrary pressures, such as changes in work rules
and contracts and have little option but to accept such changes
or to depart the country. Foreign workers who are not under contract
enjoy no protection.
The Government uses the threat of expulsion of their foreign workers
as leverage against countries whose foreign policies run counter
to Libya's. The Government expelled approximately 1,000 Palestinian
residents in late 1995 to signal its displeasure with the agreement
between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, and
in May the regime threatened to expel thousands of Palestinian
workers for political and economic reasons (see Section 2.d.).
The regime had expelled thousands of foreign workers from Chad,
Sudan, and Egypt by the end of 1995, claiming that they were in
Libya illegally. Government fears of worker ties to Islamic extremist
groups and the need to conserve foreign exchange may have motivated
the wave of expulsions.
Source: U.S. State Department Report on Human Rights Practices