Memorandum Asking President Johnson to Take Tougher Stand on U.S. Aid to
Israel
(December 28, 1965)
This memorandum to President Johnson outlines several policy alternatives to an Israeli foreign aid request.
Israel was requesting an additional aid package, in light of the lack of military aid they were receiving from
the United States. In this document, one of President Johnson's advisors
advocate a tougher stance against Israeli aid requests, which President
Johnson approves.
Memorandum From the President's Deputy Special Assistant
for National Security Affairs (Komer) to President Johnson in Texas/1/
Washington, December 28, 1965, 4 p.m.
I've held off as long as I could bothering you with this year's Israeli
aid package. We have Israeli requests for $39 million in development
loans (nearly double the FY'64 and '65 levels) and for two years of
PL 480 Title I, starting with $34 million this year ($32m. FY'65, $23m.
FY'63 and '64). However, I see this as strictly a bargaining position.
In economic terms there's no justification for either AID loans or
Title I food. Israel is doing far better than several other countries
where we've already shifted from concessional AID and Title I terms
to Ex-Im Bank and Title IV. Bell again recommends we make that shift
in Israel this year, and Mann agrees. They argue that failure to do
so soon in Israel undercuts the credibility of our worldwide effort
to get out of the aid business once a country is really moving, and
makes it tough to cut back in other places. Moreover, past Title I programs
have banked us excess Israeli currency, so Title IV dollar sales would
make more sense. In general, the harder the line we take the more favorable
the balance of payments effects.
Of course, State and AID recognize that the case for Israeli aid is
basically political, so each year they buck the decision to the White
House. The Israelis claim that economic need is not the real test; they
have since 1959 regarded our aid, with some justice, as a defense subsidy
in compensation for our reluctance to give them grant military aid or
a public defense guarantee. Finally, there is the domestic political
factor, especially at a time when we are resuming food to Nasser.
Nonetheless, I think that our Israeli relationship is in good enough
shape to sustain some cut in aid and stiffening of our loan terms. We
are now selling Israel hardware on concessional loan terms, which weakens
its argument for a defense subsidy. Moreover, on the horizon is our
contribution to a nuclear desalting plant (though this is more likely
an FY 67 or 68 matter) and possibly some jets.
Our aid to Israel has averaged around $80 million per annum 1961-65.
Last year we gave $83.6 million ($20 million in DL, $4m. Ex-Im, $32m.
in Title I and $27.6 million in a MAP credit for tanks). This year we'd
all favor cutting to about $65 million, but the big issue is over loan
terms. I'd see three basic choices:
A. The Bell/Mann hard line of shifting Israel to all Ex-Im loans ($20
million) and Title IV ($30 million), plus the $14.4 million in MAP credits
already given. This would generate a strong Israeli beef.
B. A soft line, essentially repeating last year's performance of $20
million DL and $32 million in Title I. The Israelis would probably be
quite happy with this.
C. Splitting the difference by going for $10 million DL and $10 million
Ex-Im, and insisting that Israel take one-fourth of the $32 million
PL 480 under Title IV (the same proportion as for Nasser). This option
makes a start toward shifting Israel on to harder terms, but cushions
the transition. It would generate plenty of Israeli complaints, but
not too much to live with so long as Israel sees hope for planes and
desalting (State will probably recommend shortly that we sell jets to
Israel and Jordan--a repeat of last winter's tank deal).
I'd favor this last as making the most political sense. I've also tried
it out on Harriman, who agrees that it's the least we can do. We ought
to put it hard to the Israelis as our best offer, but could always retreat
if they scream too loudly. Moving pronto on this will also soften Israeli
complaints about food for Nasser.
R. W. Komer/2/
Approve Bell/Mann line
Approve soft line
Approve compromise/3/
See me
/1/Source: Johnson Library, National
Security File, Memos to the President, McGeorge Bundy, Vol. 17. Confidential.
Received at the LBJ Ranch on December 31 at 11:45 p.m.
/2/Printed from a copy that bears
this typed signature. Bundy initialed below the typed signature.
/3/This option is checked. A memorandum
of April 13, 1966, from Komer to the President requesting his authorization
to inform the Israelis about the FY 1966 aid levels states that with
Johnson's approval, they had delayed informing them "in order to
strengthen our hand during the aircraft negotiations." Johnson
approved, and a memorandum for the record by Komer indicates that he
informed Harman on April 19. (Both in the Johnson Library, National
Security File, Country File, Israel, Vol. V)
Sources: Foreign
Relations of the United States, 1964-1968, V. 20, Arab-Israeli Dispute
1967-1968. DC: GPO,
2001. |