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Testimony
of Jan
Janusz Kamienski
(June 17, 1947)
Summarized by Eric
Weigand
Pima Community College, Tucson,
Arizona
Biographical Information
Jan Janusz Kamienski was a twenty seven year old Polish
national. At the time of the trial, he was unemployed
and studying medicine in Augsburg, Germany. He was
a prisoner in Gusen I from June 6, 1940, until February
9, 1943. For his first two months in the camp he carried
stones. For two months after that he was on the camp-cleaning
detail. The remainder of his time at Gusen he worked
in the Kastenhof Quarry (128) where he was clerk in
1942 (133). Kamienski was transferred to Dachau as
an electrician (153).
Of all the defendants, Kamienski said he was most
familiar with SS Sergeant Wilhelm Grill (129a). He
states that Grill was in charge of the mail room, and
censored mail and packages prisoners received on holidays.
After 1942, Grill censored the packages they received
from home. Under Grill’s negligent administration,
prisoners were not allowed to write letters for three
months in 1942. Kamienski’s parents became worried
and wrote a letter to the headquarters of Gusen I in
June or July 1942 (129a). As a result, Grill called
Kamienski into his office for “interrogation,” which
prisoners understood to mean a beating (129a-129b).
Grill shouted at Kamienski, “You Polish swine,
why didn’t you write a letter home?” (129b)
Kamienski reminded Grill that prisoners could not write
home for three months. Grill beat Kamienski repeatedly
until Kamienski answered that he had not written home “because
of his own carelessness” (129b). Grill then made
Kamienski sit and write a letter to his family which
read “I am well, I am healthy. Your letter I
have received with great joy and I thank you very much
for it. Your loving son.” (129b). According to
Kamienski, beatings of prisoners by Grill were a daily
occurrence (129b). Grill beat prisoners in Block 3
with an oxtail whip for adding an extra word to their
letters (132).
Kamienski testifies to the fact that Grill stole food
stuff from packages that were meant for the prisoners
(129b). In December, 1942, Kamienski received a package
that was supposed to weigh approximately twenty-two
pounds but all that was left was a loaf of bread and
some spilled marmalade (129b-130).
Bathing-to-Death
“The bathing of invalids” took place,
according to Kamienski, from approximately September
1941 until October or September 1942 (130) mostly in
the afternoon or evening under the supervision of Camp
Leader Schmielewski [sic] and SS Master Sergeant Lynch
(146, 162). Kamienski tells that the naked invalids
were taken in large groups. He goes on to describe
them as “walking skeletons” (130). In
March or April of 1942, Kamienski was in the dispensary
visiting his friend the “wardmen” (131).
On leaving, he tried to “pass through the gate
that was between Block 27 and Block 28” (131)
but was stopped by the gatekeeper. From the door of
the dispensary, he witnessed a group from Block 32
being taken to the baths (131) at the end of Blocks
27 and 28 (142) by SS Master Sergeant Grill and block
eldest of Block 43 [sic], Karl Schraegle [spelled Shroegle
on 130-131]. After getting the group to the bathhouse,
the inmates understood what was going to happen to
them. They were beaten with sticks and kicked to make
them go into the baths by SS Technical Sergeant Brust
Brust and the Block Eldest of Block 32. Grill stood
in the entrance and kicked or beat inmates with a stick
he held in his left hand (131). Those who remained
lying outside in front of the bathhouse were dragged
into it by Brust and the block eldest of Block 32.
Approximately 25 to 30 corpses were taken to the washroom
in Block 22 and those still alive were lead back to
Block 32 by Block 32’s eldest (132). According
to Kamienski, the bathhouse was “a covered building.
In the center of the floor was a depression approximately
30 centimeters deep. The sides were cement walls. During
the bathing the drainage was closed so that the water
rose to the edges” (132). The invalids
were then forced to go into the water after
receiving beatings. In their weak state,
most of the invalids fell into the water
and drowned (132).
Erick
Schuettauf or, as Kamienski calls him, “General
Bauch,” meaning “belly”(129), was
the “commander of one of the companies in Gusen” (133).
While his duties concerned the guards only, he also
became involved in the treatment of prisoners (149).
According to Kamienski, when Schuettauf gave orders
to his guards, prisoners knew well that beatings would
occur shortly thereafter. Kamienski discusses one instance
when Schuettauf threatened SS Sergeant Peist with a
report if he didn’t get some prisoners in the
lower Kastenhof Quarry to “start working” (133).
The capos and head capos were called together and ordered
to take care of the problem in work detail Kieppe 2,
where mostly Russian POWs worked with sand. This order
was shortly followed with a severe beating of those
prisoners, after which 35 to 40 bodies were carried
away (134). Kamienski was told by a member of the SS
that Schuettauf had even told his guards that if one
of them shot a prisoner, they would receive cigarettes
and a furlough (134). Kamienski even over heard Schuettauf
telling his men “not to consider us [prisoners]
as human beings, but as murders and criminals, and
that they ought to shoot us to death or to beat us
to death. And furthermore, for doing that they would
receive cigarettes and leaves” (150).
Conditions
in Kastenhof
Kamienski reports that conditions in this quarry were
so bad up to 150 prisoners were killed there a day
(133). As clerk in Kastenhof, Kamienski was personally
responsible for telling the roll-call leader how many
prisoners were returning and how many corpses were
returning (150).
Tandler
took charge of the 2,000 Russian prisoners
of war (POW) who arrived in the camp in
November or December, 1941 (134) and
occupied Blocks 13,14, 15 and 16 (150)
as well as the young Russians in Block
24 after 1942. By March 1942 only a few
were still alive (134). Tandler, who
didn’t speak Russian
well, was in sole control of the Russian
POWs wherever they worked. Most worked
in the Kastenhof quarry where Kamienski
worked. From the first day they went
to work after being quarantined for
six weeks, Tandler mistranslated the
orders for the Russians, and then he
beat them severely for not carrying
the orders out properly (135). The
Russians were also grossly underfed,
receiving only half the rations
that the rest of the prisoners
received (135). Russians would,
when leaving the camp for the quarry,
pass to the left of the garbage
from the kitchen. The prisoners would “jump over” to
the place with the food, “potatoes mixed with
dirt” (136), and get as much of it
as they could. They were then beaten heavily
as Tandler watched. According to Kamienski,
in his two and a half years at Gusen he
had never before seen people so run down
and beaten they would eat manure (136). The
Russians worked on the ground in the
quarry pushing material in the carts
on the narrow gage railway. Half an
hour before prisoners returned to the
camp, the “kippe” where
filled with dead or half-dead bodies, the half dead
on the bottom, by Tandler’s order, so that the
dead would crush them to death. They were taken back
to the camp on the rail-lines, where prisoners could
see those still alive open-mouthed and struggling for
air while the SS abused them (137-138). Once in the
camp, these bodies were “dumped (137). The SS
block leaders would kick those still living in the
head, saying things like, “Look at that dirty
pig. He is still alive” (138). In approximately February 1942, Block 16, which was
90% Russian, was gassed by the guards (138). Tandler
was personally present on July 20, 1942, when a Russian
officer was hanged from a lamppost by the kitchen.
Kamienski stated that Tandler was present at 3 or 4
executions, probably as an interpreter (139). Because
the worst criminals were specially
selected to fill positions in the camp,
such as block eldest and room eldest,
Kamienski testified that they would
steal half of the food that the Russians
were supposed to receive, either for
themselves or to give to a friend.
Even prior to this theft, the Russians’ food
was already halved from the normal prisoner
ration (139). Kamienski recounts an
example where the Block Eldest of Block
15, a prisoner wearing a green triangle,
gave away a loaf. When prisoners lined
up for their food, so much had been
stolen fifteen rations were missing.
To compensate for this, the block eldest
took the 15 weakest prisoners of Block
15 to the washroom and had them strip
naked. He then made each one drown
the man in front of him, and then be
drowned himself until all fifteen of
them were dead (139-140).
Attitude
of Other Prisoners to Murders
Kamienski
testified that although the screams of
those being bathed-to-death could be
heard as far away as roll-call square,
those prisoners who worked ten hours
hard labor would come back to camp so
tired they could barely eat before falling
asleep. There were two groups in the
camp. One worked ten hours a day. The
other were “prominent people” (144) prisoners
had free time and spent it playing soccer or playing
cards and “did not have time to discuss the murders
in the camps. Some of them, only those of the group
of intelligent people, showed some interest in that
regardless whether they had a position or not” (144).
Only “special occasions, executions, shooting” (144)
were generally discussed by prisoners.
While prominent prisoners, who were mostly
German until 1942 when some Poles were
given positions as block clerks, could
play soccer on Sunday, the only spectators
where block elders. Everyone else was resting.
Polish prisoners were also doctors or technical
people (145). Many prisoners knew about
the murders in the washrooms, but few new
the details (149).
Source: KZ Gusen
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